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The anatomy of terror
Sokwanele
June 12, 2011

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Background

In February, 2000 ZANU PF's first ever loss at the polls in a nationwide referendum precipitated a political crisis, which has continued to the present. For ZANU PF the most alarming aspect of this loss was that it was apparent that many rural voters, on whom ZANU PF could usually rely, had withdrawn support. A significant proportion of these voters, who were commercial farm workers, were perceived by ZANU PF to be farm labourers in the thrall of their white commercial farmer employers. With a general election pending in June of that year, ZANU PF moved swiftly to re-establish complete control over the country side. Under the guise of land reform, white commercial farms were invaded, farm workers killed, beaten, raped and displaced and militia bases established on the occupied land. These Bases were used as the spring board for a reign of terror in the countryside. Opposition supporters were brought to these Bases by the militia (comprising ZANU PF youth activists, the lumpen-proletariat and veterans of Zimbabwe's Independence War) and subjected to protracted torture which they often did not survive. The Bases served the same function in subsequent elections.

The impetus for this research arose from claims that the Bases were being re-established and re-activated (notwithstanding the formation a "unity government") with reports in this regard being received from Manicaland in January 2010. The re-establishment of the bases was apparently in response to a proposed parliamentary outreach programme (COPAC) to solicit views nationwide on the contents of a new constitution and the referendum and possible general election that would follow. The objective of the research project was to test these claims, to analyse precisely how militia bases are established and used as an instrument of terror and intimidation, and to identify possible interventions to avoid a repetition of widespread human rights abuses during forthcoming elections.

Methodology

Gathering reliable but sensitive information in a hostile rural environment requires, first and foremost, consideration for the safety and anonymity of others. In order to protect the research assistants (RAs), local community leaders, victims of violence and others at risk in Zimbabwe's low-level internecine conflict, we worked clandestinely. We respected those communities that remain fearful because they are subject to the impunity of others. We viewed our task as gradually building up local organisations and confidence to take action, but only within their own capacity and their willingness to act.

Secondly, the sensitive nature of the project required trust and solidarity with our international and civic partners, as well as with rural communities. We therefore worked with facilitators, local leaders and others who share our non-violent values and goals for peaceful elections to promote democracy and justice. Solidarity implies a mutually supportive relationship where we jointly develop strategies, utilise each other's strengths and resources, and work together to organise actions to reduce violence.

Selection of study areas

Fifteen study areas were selected by comparing incidents of violence recorded on the Sokwanele election violence map published in June 200810 with current reports of violence. For logistical and reporting purposes, study areas were divided into 3 groups (Table 1). Group 1 covered selected constituencies in Manicaland and Masvingo Province; Group 2 covered Mashonaland Central, except for Hurungwe in Mashonaland West; and for Group 3, RAs visited Mashonaland East constituencies, except for Epworth in Harare.

Table 1: Study areas (constituencies)

After the first reconnaissance visits, the study in Chivi was relocated to Mwenezi, which was the prime source of violence in the area. In Chiweshe it was found that most violence was situated in Mazowe North, but included some parts of Mazowe West. In Muzarabani - one of the most difficult areas - the RAs visited both the North and South constituencies.

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