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Christine
Mhaka a forgotten heroine of Zimbabwe's struggle
Grace Kwinjeh
March 01, 2008
Her name is Christine
Mhaka. She is 28 years old. She is a founder-member of the main
opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change, (MDC), for
which she has worked tirelessly for the past eight years.
Christine has been arrested
and beaten several times over the years.
She is now a refugee
in South-Africa, where she is faced with yet another kind of struggle;
a struggle with its own dynamics that make her wonder whether she
should have left home after all.
For Mhaka, things
came to a head when she was tortured on March
11, 2007. Ghastly scenes of tortured civic and political leaders
made international headlines. Many cannot erase from their memories
images of the battered civic and opposition leaders.
For those that already
had a media profile, their prominence gave them the protection and
support they would need.
Little known Mhaka is
a forgotten heroine. Her story exposes the dynamics around the struggle
for change in Zimbabwe and how it plays itself out for many activists
especially those who choose to cross the border into the Diaspora.
Harsh circumstances force them out of Zimbabwe but when outside
they are essentially on their own.
Mhaka now lives in a
makeshift shack in a squatter camp.
"I have to kneel
down to get into my home. We have no water; we use buckets to get
water about 5km from where I stay," she says while sobbing.
"I have
never suffered like this in my life. At times I wonder why God has
condemned me to this."
Mhaka was once full of
life. Now she does not look like the fearless fighter against Zimbabwe's
secret police that she used to be. There has been no reward for
her political activism; no one to turn to or to share her agony
of police brutality with. Zimbabwe's opposition has not been a source
of security to her as an activist.
One would think the benefits
and the hero status accorded to her fellow comrades would have at
least trickled down to her, or that she would get some form of recognition
and be remembered. She has now become a mere statistic - a figure
or a case in the numerous reports that have been written about the
tyranny that visits those that oppose Robert Mugabe's dictatorship.
A security crackdown
that followed March 11 resulted in more arrests and torture of senior
civic and opposition officials. It did not end there. Other people,
including Mhaka's mother, were harassed as state agents sought information
on the whereabouts of those on their list.
"I decided to leave
the country, after the torture," Mhaka says. "I could
not bear it any more. They beat up my mother because of my activism.
My mother worries about me; she worries about how I am surviving."
The Southern African
Development Community, (SADC), responded to the March 11 brutality
by appointing South-Africa's President Thabo Mbeki as mediator to
end the crisis through a negotiated settlement between the ruling
Zanu-PF party and the MDC. Months later the much talked about mediation
has all but collapsed. The Zanu-PF party has reneged on every promise
made in terms of guaranteeing democratic reforms that would rescue
Zimbabwe from the prevailing socio-economic crisis.
Inflation
stands at a record high of over 100 00 percent. Life expectancy
for females is down to 34 and for males 37 years. High unemployment,
collapsed health delivery and education systems, increased repression,
are the litany of ills Zimbabweans endure as they brace themselves
for yet another general election on March 29.
Many like Mhaka, who
is one of an estimated 3-million Zimbabweans now living outside
Zimbabwe, would like to return home, but she is afraid of going
back. That means they must continue to face the rigours of refugee
life.
"The police here
haunt us every day," says Mhaka, who was brought to the squatter
camp by a friend she met while on the streets of Johannesburg. "Night
and day we are raided."
The squatter camp is
home. For food they scrounge around I dare not ask about the basic
needs of a woman, such as sanitary towels. On average a packet of
tampons costs R20, a fortune for an unemployed refugee.
A South African researcher
with the International Labour Research and Information Group based
in Cape Town, Koni Benson says of Mhaka's case: "The politics
of elite transition in Zimbabwe is being played out across the bodies
of women who dare to speak out, such as women like Mhaka. Instead
of supporting their struggle for humanity, as they cross the border
into South- Africa in search of survival, they continue to struggle,
as the South-African Government does nothing to help."
Benson believes the South-African
Government should develop a more honest and realistic approach to
the political crisis in Zimbabwe - not one that props up the Mugabe
regime.
In January the
Central Methodist Church in Johannesburg was raided. Refugees
from Zimbabwe and other African countries, who live there and receive
humanitarian support, were harassed by members of the South-Africa
Police Service (SAPS).
Bishop Paul Verryn, who
runs the programme, says: "Some of the refugees here ran away
from political persecution, but in South Africa they are being subjected
to torture, harassment, police brutality and all forms of abuse
at the hands of the people who should protect them. Women and children
are yet to come to terms with the recent raid.
"South Africa treats
Zimbabwean refugees like criminals, which makes it complicit in
the gender violence being unleashed on women by the state in Zimbabwe."
Mhaka finally found help
after almost a year of destitution and no access to therapy. She
made her way to the Southern Africa Centre for Survivors of Torture,
(SACST), where she has finally started to receive therapy.
Project officer, Sox
Chikowero, a Zimbabwean who is also a victim of torture, says of
Mhaka's condition: "Looking a her you can see she is very traumatized
and depressed. You can see she is not her self."
Thousands of genuine
asylum seekers arrive in South Africa. Chikowero says many are too
scared to seek help or to come out in the open because of the continued
victimization and the xenophobia of some South Africans towards
foreign nationals.
Asked whether it would
be easy for Mhaka to deal with the continued social and emotional
stress sustained while in South Africa, Chikowero says: "Help
comes in stages, It is not a once-off situation. It includes psycho-social,
medical intervention and humanitarian assistance. How one responds
is not easy to tell after one visit.
"We offer humanitarian
assistance especially in the case where drugs are prescribed and
if the person needs to eat, we try to provide food," says Chikowero.
He says SACST receives
new cases of refugees who have escaped from political persecution
in Zimbabwe every week. Chikowero estimates that at least a third
of the Zimbabwean refugee population in South-Africa comprises victims
of torture or political persecution.
There is yet another
problem - that of access to health care and drugs for refugees
living with HIV/AIDS. He says they are subjected to discrimination.
HIV treatment and care in South-Africa remain a contentious issue
between the Government and those advocating for robust policy change.
South Africa does not
provide ARVs to all seven million citizens who are infected. Out
of a population 42 million, only 200 000 receive ARVs. What this
means is that HIV-positive refugees who cannot afford to pay for
their own drugs face a dire situation, in an already complex political
context over the issue.
There is the case of
44-year old Gift Moyo who was on ARVs in Zimbabwe and is now seeking
asylum in South-Africa. He has been denied the drugs and his life
is now at risk.
While the South African
Refugees Act of 1988 makes it mandatory for asylum seekers with
or without papers to access health facilities and to be provided
with drugs, this does not always happen in reality.
"My drugs have run
out and I have been camping at the Home Affairs centre," he
told me recently.
Another March 11 torture
victim, Nhamo Musekiwa finally succumbed to the HIV virus. His condition
was exacerbated by the beatings he endured on that fateful day and
a subsequent break in taking the ARVs. He escaped to South-Africa
where he died in destitution late in 2007.
Perhaps one day when
Zimbabwe is free again Christine Mhaka will look back and smile
that her sacrifices were worth it. For now she deserves a fresh
start.
(Christine Mhaka is a
pseudonym for a Zimbabwean political activist. This story is based
on her real life experience.)
*Grace Kwinjeh
is a Zimbabwean journalist based in South Africa.
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This work is licensed under a Creative Commons License unless stated otherwise.
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