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African women and the struggle for emancipation: translating words into action
Grace Kwinjeh
February 29, 2008

Determined gender activists have over the decades proposed solutions to not only ending conflict, eradicating poverty, but more importantly - those that are aimed at unshackling the continents women from the bondage of patriarchal exploitation and domination.

That African women bear the burden of conflict and poverty on the continent is an old cliché, most are now tired with. Certainly, gains can be celebrated over landmark achievements towards women's emancipation over the years, but the situation on the ground shows there is still much work to be done, as most of these gains have just remained on paper.

In a society that denies the full humanity of women the odds are stacked against those who would like to make a difference - through radical changes to the existing gender relations. Recent experiences in parts of the continent bear testimony to the fact that changing the lot of women is going to take more than just miracles. Transforming societal attitudes towards those who are viewed as the 'fairer' or 'weaker' sex, is what gender activists and feminists have been working hard at - in some instances with much gain and in others - much backlash.

Areas of intervention activists have over the years advocated for and employed include, institutional reforms and policy interventions at governmental, regional and International levels. Thus, African government have acceded to international conventions that seek to redress the previously skewed gender relations, meant to emancipate women, these include the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, (CEDAW), the Beijing Plat-form of Action and continentally the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa.

However, the patriarchal nature and scope of most Governments including regional and continental bodies has resulted in much resistance and backlash - leading in most instances to the piling up of declarations and protocols that are either never translated into action - as they just remain symbolic gestures on paper. Gender activists and feminists in the Southern Africa Development Community, (SADC) region are for instance not amused at the way the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development, whose signing of, by SADC leaders at their Summit in 2007 was deferred apparently to give more time for 'national consultations'.

Among contentious issues between the Governments and activists was the provision in the Gender Protocol that Governments enshrine gender equality in their constitutions; that the Protocol use obligatory language such as 'ensure' and not 'endeavor' and that the rights of socially excluded and vulnerable groups be recognised and protected. A consultative meeting coordinated by the Southern African Gender Protocol Alliance, agreed that: "the Alliance roadmap involves intensive lobbying and advocacy in-country and at a regional level, including offering technical support where this may be required through to the August summit, where it plans to hold a parallel civil society forum and launch a high profile campaign for the adoption of a strong Gender Protocol." The alliance has set itself an uphill task as signs of resistance from the powers that be in the region are quite clear, Botswana often celebrated for being a progressive democracy has been one of the first, on making protocol provisions constitutionally binding, commenting on that, Assistant Minister of Labor and Home Affairs, Utlwang Matlhabaphiri, said this was not possible, due to the fact that the country's constitution could only be amended through a referendum. Matlhabaphiri said Botswana for instance, would be comfortable with a provision that says 50 percent of decision-making positions should be held by women, but without any prescriptions on how to attain this quota.

This is precisely, part of the problem because the declarations that SADC governments have signed before have not been legally binding, thus a mere signature has remained just that a signature on paper - with those who seek redress still remaining in a weaker position. HURISA director Corlett Letlojane, identifies the inability to translate international conventions into local laws, as one of the major impediments in the attainment f gender equality even in yet another democracy - South-Africa: "There's a strong need for CSOs and other relevant stakeholders to advocate for the domestication and implementation of international, regional and sub-regional instruments promoting women's rights.

These instruments are meaningless if they are not incorporated at local level, and the failure of our courts to provide remedies to victims of violence brings disgrace to our progressive Constitutional Order." In a paper titled, 'Gender and human rights in South-Africa', Letlojane, applauds the fact that South-Africa has made great advances towards the attainment of gender equity through constitutional provisions. Citing Section 9 of the South-African bill of rights which prohibits any form of discrimination based on gender or sex perpetrated directly or indirectly.

Sadly, notwithstanding these provisions, South-African women still face discrimination in terms of cultural practices that deny them their full humanity: "In terms of culture, women are not allowed to remain the custodian of their children or to be in physical control of the estate of their late partners. The deceased's eldest male relative, if there is no male of the age of 18 at the time of the deceased death, assumes this duty. The mother of the male and the elder sister of the sibling's brother were completely disqualified from exercising this duty." This sums up the situation pertaining on the African continent where cultural reasons for the continued oppression of women supersede moral or legal ones for their empowerment.

Across the Limpompo in Zimbabwe, while Section 1.11 of the Constitution provides that for any regional and international instruments to be applicable, they have to be domesticated through the process of ratification, not many of the international instruments pertaining to women's rights have been ratified. The situation is worse for women in conflict situations - in countries such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, (DRC), Kenya, Sudan and Zimbabwe they face other dynamics as they deal not only with the cultural realities of their oppression but the increased burden of conflict to their livelihoods.

Amnesty International reports of women in the Darfur region: "There are more women living in camps than men and the threat of rape remains rife for those who venture outside the camps. Many of the camps are surrounded by belts of deserted land with hardly a tree standing. Rapes are carried out on women who leave the camps to go to market or collect firewood. They are carried out by Janjawid militia, government soldiers, armed opposition groups and even by other displaced people."

Again in Kenya women and children are the majority of the more than 300 000 displaced people, they have fallen victim to sexual crimes and ethnic cleansing. They remain victims to a situation whose solution again does not recognize their full humanity as they are largely excluded from the mediation process meant to find a solution to the crisis - that has made international head-lines over the past weeks.

Responding to the women's calls for inclusion in the mediation process, former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who is part of the negotiating team said: "To realize peace, we need complete mobilization of society at all levels; we need the women."

While Zimbabwean women are dealing with state sponsored repression and tyranny. Only recently in a Valentines Day protest march several members of the Women of Zimbabwe Arise, (WOZA) were brutally attacked by state security agents, scores were injured. This has become the norm for this women's group, which has commendably, sustained non-violent methods of resistance to state repression. Woza coordinator Jenni Williams said after the February 14 protests: "We know things are tough but we think this is the time for us to really defend the country's future and stand up for our children." Inclusion of women in peace-making efforts is provided for in the; UN Security Council resolution 1325 on women, peace and security; the African Union Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality; and the protocol to the African Charter on the Rights of Women in Africa. And so while so much has been said and written on paper aimed at emancipating African women, the biggest job is in translating the words into action, if the women's lot s to change for the better.

*Grace Kwinjeh is a free-lance journalist and a consultant.

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