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Reflections
of a social scientist on doing HIV social research
Susan
Kippax, NCHSR, UNSW, Sydney
Presented at the IHHR Social Reception
July 16, 2007
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Thank you to
the HHR initiative especially Daniel Tarantola for giving me the
opportunity to speak this evening.
My talk describes
one aspect of the history of HIV prevention in Australia and places
it in the context of current global debates about HIV/AIDS. I hope
the focus I have chosen will illustrate - at least in part - why
Australia's approach to HIV prevention has been and continues to
be a success. My talk includes my reflections on my own research
and the research of other social scientists in Australia - with
special reference to the National Centre in HIV Social Research
(NCHSR) and the people with whom we continue to work - governments,
non-government organisations and communities at risk of HIV.
Devising effective HIV
prevention, treatment and care programs requires the ability to
understand and harness people's ways of actively striving to deal
with HIV in their everyday lives. It involves encouraging and enabling
people to transform their sexual lives; it involves treating, caring
for and supporting those with HIV and those affected by HIV; and
it involves mitigating the impact of HIV - the social, the political
and the economic impacts - especially in those regions and countries
hardest hit by HIV and AIDS.
Here I am going to talk
about the work I know best --- that focused on HIV prevention in
Australia. What sort of HIV-prevention education programs work best?
What can researchers do to enable people to transform their sexual
lives?
In order to address this
question I first briefly explore some of the models underlying so
called prevention 'interventions' and then turn to my own work and
that of the NCHSR to illustrate what I have learnt from 23 years
working as an HIV social researcher.
Background
There is no
vaccine for preventing HIV and there is no cure. However in 1996
HIV treatments (in the form of antiretroviral therapy, ART, which
delay the move from HIV to AIDS to death) were developed. So there
is an effective treatment.
There are currently
approximately 40,000,000 people living with HIV. Each year the prevalence
increases as new infections outstrip the number of deaths. In 2005/6
it was estimated that there were around 4.3 million new infections
and around 2.8 million deaths. So last year there were an additional
1.5 million people living with HIV and while the global incidence
rate is believed to have peaked - at least in some countries (Laurence
2006) - the absolute number of new HIV infections is growing (UNAIDS
2006).
Part of the problem is
that prevention has faltered, it has fallen off the agendas of both
governments and donors. One of the reasons for the decline in prevention
is the immediacy of the need to treat those with HIV. Anti-retroviral
drugs are expensive and many governments are now spending a very,
very large portion (if not all) of their AIDS budget on treating
those who are ill. So although the HIV budget has increased exponentially
since 2001, there are fewer and fewer dollars being spent on prevention
- although there has recently been an increase in funding associated
with the turn to 'biomedical' prevention technologies.
There is a growing and,
I believe, an unacknowledged tension between prevention and treatment.
Funding is finite. So although there is a great deal of rhetoric
about the importance of both prevention and treatment, and some
attempts - largely misguided - to link prevention to treatment,
prevention has stalled in many countries.
It is not only
that the prevention dollar has shrunk . . . but coupled with the
shrinking prevention dollar is a growing belief in some quarters
that prevention (at least what is usually referred to as behavioural
prevention) has failed - that it does not work. This has been coupled
in recent times with a move to invest in biomedical prevention technologies
- circumcision, pre-exposure prophylaxis, microbicides, . . . .
In other quarters,
the belief is not that prevention has failed but rather that governments
and donors have failed prevention. I am of the latter view and argue
that prevention not only can but has and does work if a 'social'
public health model is used - as has been the case in Australia
- and if prevention programmes are supported and properly resourced.
My argument
is that prevention is 'failing' because prevention programs and
policies are currently informed by a 'modern' public health, a public
health that is informed by a neo-liberal doctrine - a doctrine focused
on notions of agency and individual responsibility and the personal
blame, stigma and discrimination that inevitably accompany such
a doctrine.
Let me illustrate
by describing - at least in part - the HIV response in Australia.
What is central to the Australian response is a partnership - between
affected communities (gay men, injecting drug users, sex workers,
. . . ), the non-government organisations funded by governments
to advocate for, support and educate those communities, governments,
researchers, and clinicians and other public health professionals.
And the partnership - which is a genuine one in which each partner
has a voice - is of a very special sort. I describe here the place
/ the position of social researchers within that partnership - and
what we did and what we continue to do . . .
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