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Prayers, politics and peace: The church's role in Zimbabwe's crisis
Ezra Chitando, OSISA
June 30, 2011

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http://www.osisa.org/openspace/zimbabwe/prayers-politics-and-peace-churchs-role-zimbabwes-crisis

Although Zimbabwe is a multi-religious country, Christianity controls a major share of the spiritual market. As a result, the institution of the church will always play a role in social, political and economic issues whether it actively seeks to or not. And in Zimbabwe, due to historical factors that saw the church co-operating closely with the state, it has also become a strategic actor on issues of national interest and featured prominently in efforts to resolve the crisis that engulfed the country in the past decade.

But did the church really influence events? And what role is it playing now during the transition process?

In this paper, I discuss the role of the church in responding to the Zimbabwean crisis. The first part highlights attempts by church leaders to engage with political actors, while the second section analyses the strengths and weak- nesses of this engagement. In the concluding section, I draw attention to the need for church leaders to embrace new strategies as they seek to contribute to the final resolution of the Zimbabwean crisis and help the country progress towards genuine democracy.

Beyond Prayers: Church and Politics

Since the church occupies such a central space in Zimbabwean society, it is bound to respond to major issues, even if it is initially cautious about adopting too 'political' a stance. In the face of the country's full-blown political and economic crisis post 2000, the church has intervened in a number of ways as it sought to contribute to a peaceful and sustainable resolution. According to David Kaulemu:

" . . . churches have injected more inclusive, universal perspectives into Zimbabwe's national conflict. This does not mean that churches have not been partisan, but their partisanship has been related to a fundamental stand against injustice, corruption, cruelty, exploitation, and unfairness. Many churches, especially those operating from a prophetic perspective, have been guided by values of universal solidarity, the common good, respect for life, and dignity of the human person and these values have informed their response to ZANU-PF and their hopes for Zimbabwe's future." (2010:51)

Whereas some politicians, particularly President Mugabe, have sought to limit the church to prayers and offering guidance on moral issues, Zimbabwean church leaders have refused to subscribe to such a narrow interpretation of the mission of the church and have endeavoured to make a difference in a heavily polarised political environment.

The animosity between the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU-PF) and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) has resulted in violence and heightened political tension in the country over the past decade but there has been tension since independence. While ZANU-PF has always cherished the idea of the one-party state, Zimbabwean citizens have actively resisted this option. As a result, ZANU-PF has had to face the reality of competing for the hearts and minds of the voters since 1980. Regarding itself as the sole liberator of the people. ZANU-PF has not enjoyed sharing political space with its rivals. This was the case in the early 1980s with ZAPU, in the 1990s with ZUM and after 2000 with the MDC. In many instances, ZANU-PF has used violence as a political weapon, particularly during the decade-long battle with the MDC.

The 2000 parliamentary elections and the 2002 presidential polls were characterised by violence and tension. In Mugabe's rhetoric, MDC leaders were mere 'puppets of the West', who did not understand that the land rightfully belonged to blacks. Some of his slogans called for the total eradication of the MDC (Chitando 2002:10). The overall climate was one of fear and intimidation. The philosophy of jambanja (militancy) that emerged during the fast-track land reform programme implied that the rule of law could no longer be guaranteed. In many cases, the police refused to get involved in addressing cases of violence, arguing that these were 'political'.

As the crisis worsened, church leaders sought to encourage dialogue between the political parties with a number of different initiatives, such as Andrew Wutawunashe's nationalist 'Faith for the Nation' campaign. A Pan- Africanist who belongs to the Family of God Church and whose political views tend to converge towards those of Mugabe (Togarasei 2006: 223), Wutawunashe argued that Zimbabweans had to take responsibility for the fortunes of their country. His campaign sought to infuse Christian ideals into the national body politic. For him, it was vital for all Zimbabweans to put aside their political differences and to work together for the national good.

The leaders of the three main Christian groupings the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops Conference (ZCBC), the Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe (EFZ) and the Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC) also embarked on a strategy to promote dialogue. Bishops Patrick Mutume, Sebastian Bakare and Trevor Manhanga held meetings with leaders of the two main political parties and encouraged them to shun divisive attitudes and to promote a shared national agenda. The church leaders pleaded with the politicians to consider the welfare of ordinary men, women and children and they maintained that there was more to unite the different political actors than to divide them.

Church leaders also argued that the Zimbabwean crisis was indicative of a deeper malaise: the absence of a national vision and agenda. They contended that the sharp polarization in society had emerged because of the failure to develop a shared vision of the country's future. In this respect, they spearheaded a campaign called, 'The Zimbabwe We Want', which culminated in a document entitled, The Zimbabwe We Want: Towards a National Vision, A Discussion Document (ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC 2006). The document undertook a penetrating and honest assessment of the achievements and failures of independent Zimbabwe. It did not spare the church from criticism and invited Zimbabweans to work towards developing a shared national vision.

The production of the 'The Zimbabwe We Want' document gave Zimbabwean Christians the opportunity to reflect on the relationship between their faith and their civic duties. Whereas many politicians constantly advised Christians to stay away from politics, consultations on the national vision document reminded Christians that they had an obligation to participate in political processes. The consultation process also helped Christians to realise that, while they might subscribe to different political ideologies, they all shared a common destiny.

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