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Whither democracy in the MDC-T
Brian Chitemba, Zimbabwe Independent
May 27, 2011

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/local/31096-whither-democracy-in-the-mdc-t.html

The recent return through the back door of officials who lost elections by Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC-T shows that the party may slide from being a mass-based democracy to dictatorship, analysts have said.

The labour-backed party was once viewed as a champion of democracy that threatened to end President Robert Mugabe's kleptocracy. Zimbabweans were assured that the MDC was founded on sound democratic principles where the wishes of the people would be paramount. However, the trappings of power seem to have quickly caught up with the party and Tsvangirai has been accused of slowly adopting dictatorial tendencies by vetoing crucial party decisions claiming to be providing true leadership and protecting the party's legacy. This led to an acrimonious split in 2005 and with it the dearth of democracy in the once flourishing loose coalition.

The formation of the inclusive government in 2009 again showed the MDC-T's slant towards cronyism when certain individuals were handpicked to serve in government much to the chagrin of dedicated founding members. Last month's congress in Bulawayo brought this issue into when the MDC-T's national council - chaired by Tsvangirai - appointed virtually all officials rejected by structures at the elective congress into the council. Elias Mudzuri, Lucia Matibenga, Thabita Khumalo, Paurina Mpariwa, Thamsanqa Mahlangu, Eliphas Mukonoweshuro and Amos Chibaya who all lost in resultant polls were co-opted into the council for "their special skills, consistency and loyalty to the party".

Others who failed to secure nominations such as Gabbuza Joel Gabbuza, Kerry Kay, Concilia Chinanzvavana, Luta Shaba, Spiwe Ncube, Henry Madzorera, Eddie Cross and Sesel Zvidzai were all taken on board the council for the same reasons. This then raises the question why the MDC-T even bothered to hold an elective congress when the party's standing committee comprising the top 12 knew whom it wanted on the national executive council. The party could have saved itself the embarrassment of rampant infighting which unfolded in the run-up to the congress by simply appointing council members, just like Zanu PF does its politburo.

Zanu PF only holds elections for just a few members of its presidium, which in turn makes all politburo appointments. Although this has been the root cause of widespread factionalism in the former liberation movement, at least all party members know that absolute power rests with one individual. African Reform Institute director Trevor Maisiri said the retention of losing candidates into the MDC-T council was likely to be taken as the leadership's failure to read the unfolding internal mood. Maisiri said Tsvangirai was protecting his cabal and this would prove to be self-defeating in the long run. He said: "This misreading can ultimately lead to further disjointing of the party leadership and its general membership which will result in the rise of elitism."

Maisiri said instead of rescuing his allies from the political wilderness, Tsvangirai should have used the opportunity to assign more people-approved leaders without denigrating the democratic process. "This is a defeat of the people's expression. How does the party leadership justify the glaring call for leadership renewal by members at congress against the recycling of losing candidates in the NEC," said Maisiri. He added that the MDC-T was falling into the same trap as Zanu PF where politburo appointments were made by President Robert Mugabe and his sheepish followers. "This is the wrong slide and we can see a narrowing of this leader-centred autocracy between Zanu PF and MDC-T and it is outrightly dangerous to democracy," Maisiri said. But MDC-T spokesman Douglas Mwonzora argued that the appointment of losing officials was democratic because they recorded a number of votes at the congress.

He said it could have been undemocratic had the officials been re-assigned to their original positions, but they would be given new posts within party structures. Mwonzora further fought in Tsvangirai's corner saying his boss did not solely appoint members of the council. Some were chosen by the standing committee. He explained that the recycling of Mudzuri and colleagues was approved by the first meeting of the national council, which according to the party constitution is an extension of the congress.

"The criticism of the appointees is unfair and wrong because if they were not appointed then who was supposed to take their place?" Mwonzora argued. "These officials were nominated by provinces and that indicates that there are certain constituencies which have confidence in them." Southern Region Consortium on Constitutional Reform coordinator Effie Ncube said Tsvangirai's move to include the losing candidates in senior party structures reflected mature democracy in MDC-T. He said democracy was not only about elections, but inclusivity that embraces those who lost elections. Ncube gave an analogy of US President Barack Obama who appointed his rival in primary elections Hillary Clinton to the country's powerful office of Secretary of State.

"The appointment of Mudzuri and company into the NEC is different from how Mugabe appoints losing candidates to even more senior positions. There is still democracy in MDC-T," he said. But another analyst Chamu Mutasa said the recycling of the top officials defeated the essence of the bitterly contested elections if losing candidates were rewarded. "We see the same rewarding of patronage in Zanu PF proliferating in MDC-T. That honestly doesn't show democracy. It doesn't exist anymore in MDC-T. Tsvangirai has shown several times that he is a dictator," Mutasa said.

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