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Abuses render politburo impotent
Pedzisai Ruhanya, The Independent (Zimbabwe)
May 27, 2011

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/local/31092-abuses-render-politburo-impotent.html

The once almighty Zanu PF politburo, whose decisions and policies dominated and determined the national political, economic and social psyche in the past 30 years of President Robert Mugabe's rule has become impotent. This is because of the organisation's human rights abuses which have resulted in the other national and supra national bodies having a critical say in the affairs of the state. Zanu PF's defeat in the 2008 elections, the formation of the inclusive government in 2009 after the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) in September 2008 and the involvement of Sadc and the AU in Zimbabwe's domestic affairs have resulted in the erosion of Mugabe's grip on power and consequently the ubiquitous roles of his party's central committee and the politburo.

The role currently being played by Sadc and South African President Jacob Zuma, the facilitator to the Zimbabwean political dispute between the two formations of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and Zanu PF clearly showcase the impotence of the politburo. A close look at the outcomes of the Livingstone and Windhoek Sadc meetings to address the Zimbabwean crisis also assist to confirm this hypothesis.

Zanu PF is finding it difficult to impose elections on Zimbabweans because of domestic and regional outcries that conditions for holding elections are still absent. This case illustrates that the communist-style politburo is now a shadow of its former self.

The outcome of the March 29 2008 harmonised elections has ensured that business cannot be as usual in the administration of national affairs. The era of politburo unilateralism is gone. The outcome of taking that route is increased domestic, regional and international isolation.

It is important to note that Zanu PF does not control any urban council. It does not have a single mayor in all the towns and cities of Zimbabwe. This was a historical development and it was the harbinger of the erosion of the powers of the politburo. That development makes a mockery of Zanu PF's claims of being a party of the people.

Zanu PF's demise was inevitable after years of inflicting human rights abuses starting from the Matabeleland and Midlands massacres. Violence characterised all elections from 1990 up to the June 2008 presidential run-off.

The consummation of the inclusive government in January 2009 after the signing of the GPA meant that there were now several centres of power in the country. While Mugabe's executive powers remained largely intact there were now some checks and balances. Cabinet, which had hitherto merely been an implementing body of Zanu PF decisions in the days of Mugabe's one-party rule, became a forum of power struggles between the two formations of the MDC and Zanu PF respectively.

Cabinet as it stands can no longer rubber stamp the decisions of the central committee and politburo because of its composition. Added to this there is also the Council of Ministers that is chaired by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai. By virtue of Tsvangirai chairing this body, it cannot be used to implement the decisions of the politburo.

What this means is that government ministries and departments - unlike in the past - implement national programmes and not necessarily the decisions of Zanu PF.

It is at Cabinet level that the Zanu PF's call for elections in 2011 hit a snag. They have to convince their GNU partners that an election is the best way forward. Any unilateral decision by Zanu PF will invite regional intervention which will not support dictatorial tendencies in an era of inclusivity. The position of the politburo is now treated in the same manner as the positions of the national executives of the two formations of the MDC. It is merely a position of a political party. The only difference between the position of Zanu PF and those of the MDCs could be the malign and egocentric nature of Zanu PF's call for elections without attendant democratic reforms.

In the case of national security reforms, however, the decisions of the politburo still stand because of the control invested in the president's office by the current constitution. This is coupled with the failure by the negotiators to the GPA to clearly address the ubiquitous nature of the securocrats in Zimbabwean politics especially their partisan behaviour.

Where the GPA sought to create a National Security Council, the securocrats working in cahoots with Zanu PF have blatantly refused to reform. The partisan Joint Operations Command (JOC) remains intact and continues with its poisonous political activities. This explains why democratic forces in Zimbabwe have identified the security sector as a critical and last bastion of Zanu PF's abusive rule that needs to be democratised before the holding of any election. This would then facilitate a free electoral environment where the security of citizens is protected and guaranteed.

Both Sadc and the AU are guarantors of the GPA. Where there are disputes among the political players Sadc has to mediate under the leadership of President Zuma. The decision of the Sadc Troika on Defence and Security in Livingstone calling upon the GNU to lay out a clear democratic road map to future elections clearly shows that the calls by Zanu PF to have elections on its own terms could be hallucinatory and suicidal.

It is important to note that the life of undemocratic political structures such as the politburo cannot live in a world that is increasingly fighting against evil and dictatorial political structures and values. It is like attempting to solve 21st century problems using a 20th century bureaucracy. Zanu PF should embrace democratic reforms otherwise it risks being buried by the reform winds blowing across Africa. There is no longer space for Communist-style structures in this century.

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