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Opposition
rift aids Mugabe
Alec
Russel, Financial Times (UK)
May 22, 2007
http://www.ft.com/cms/s/d0c06e00-0888-11dc-b11e-000b5df10621.html
As he emerged one chill
evening recently from a meeting in Bulawayo, David Coltard, one
of Zimbabwe's most respected opposition leaders, saw a tall man
coming out of the shadows. He checked for a moment, they had a stilted
conversation and then they went their separate ways.
A casual observer might
have assumed that Mr Coltard, a human-rights lawyer, had encountered
one of the agents from President Robert Mugabe's feared Central
Intelligence Organisation, who regularly tail the opposition Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC).
But the awkward encounter
testified to a far more poignant difficulty facing Zimbabwe's opposition.
The two men are actually old friends and fellow MDC luminaries,
but they are now on opposing sides of a bitter rift that could destroy
their chances of unseating Mr Mugabe in elections next year.
"It's such a tragedy,"
said a mutual friend who did not want to be identified. "They
both care so much about getting rid of Mugabe, but it's almost too
painful now for them to talk."
As South Africa
prepares to host talks next month between the MDC and Zimbabwe's
ruling Zanu-PF, the former party's two wings have papered over their
divisions and agreed a common position on pre-conditions for their
taking part in parliamentary and presidential elections due next
March.
But hopes that a meeting
between the factions this week could lead to a rapprochement came
to nothing. "The idea of a coalition is not officially a dead
letter, but it's not going to happen," said a senior supporter
of the larger wing, which is led by the MDC's founding leader, Morgan
Tsvangirai, a burly former union leader.
"The two groups
will fight the election independently." A senior figure in
the other wing, led by the more bookish Arthur Mutambara, was fractionally
less gloomy. "It's not the end of the road, but we had hoped
to reach an agreement on a coalition but didn't," he said.
The two sides have agreed
that Mr Tsvangirai should be the party's sole presidential candidate.
But they are split over how many parliamentary races should be allocated
to each faction.
The dispute has reopened
old wounds. The formal reason for the rupture in late 2005 was tactical:
the party was divided over whether to contest senate elections.
But that was just the spark in a long-brewing feud between senior
figures over ideology, policy and Mr Tsvangirai's leadership style.
For 83-year-old Mr Mugabe
- seeking to extend his 27 years in power with a fresh term - the
MDC's disharmony is great news. His own party is also split, with
senior members questioning the wisdom and legitimacy of his nomination
this year as presidential candidate.
But in the countdown
to the election, Zanu-PF can be expected to exploit the opposition's
rifts to the full.
A recent clampdown on
MDC activists seems to have concentrated on Mr Tsvangirai's wing.
If this was deliberate, it would not be the first time that Zanu-PF
- and other influential forces in the region - appear to have played
one MDC wing off against the other.
Over the past 18 months,
Mr Tsvangirai's aides have accused South Africa of favouring Mr
Mutambara's wing. But since regional leaders mandated South Africa
to mediate in the crisis in March, Pretoria has been scrupulous
in speaking to both factions.
However, sources close
to the mediation team suggest that the South African government
thinks the best bet for a stable Zimbabwe is a post-Mugabe government
of reformist Zanu-PF members.
Mr Mugabe inadvertently
gave the opposition a new lease of life on March 11 when his riot
police brutally beat dozens of MDC leaders and supporters.
Images of Mr Tsvangirai's
bruised features led to his elevation worldwide as the face of freedom
in Zimbabwe.
Frustratingly for MDC
politicians, however, they are still deemed to have much to prove
and desperately need to reunite. "They are fully conscious
that if they don't hang together they'll hang separately,"
said one diplomat. "Unfortunately, personality differences
still exist at the very top."
This article is the second
in a series on political and business life in Zimbabwe.
Please credit www.kubatana.net if you make use of material from this website.
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