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This article participates on the following special index pages:
Zimbabwe's Elections 2013 - Index of Articles
Will
the West stand up for a free election in Zimbabwe
Washington
Post
July 16, 2013
View this article
on the Washington Post website
Western governments took a strong stand against Zimbabwean President
Robert Mugabe in 2008 when he employed
massive violence and fraud to perpetuate himself in power through
a presidential election. Five years later, the 89-year-old strongman
is at it again. Flouting agreements with the opposition and pledges
to foreign mediators, he has scheduled an election for this month
without allowing the reforms necessary to make it free and fair.
Opposition leaders once again are being hunted and persecuted.
This time, however,
the United States and European Union seem to be giving Mr. Mugabe
the benefit of the doubt. Many of the sanctions imposed on the country
were lifted after a referendum
on a new constitution in March. E.U. officials have promised
the rest will be removed if the election,
which began with early voting this week and concludes July 31,
is judged free and fair by African observers. During his recent
tour of Africa, President Obama declared that “there is an
opportunity to move forward” in Zimbabwe “if there is
an election that is free and fair and peaceful.”
As was already
clear when Mr. Obama made that statement on June 30, Zimbabwe’s
vote will meet none of those tests. Amnesty International reported
that military and police forces have carried out an “alarming
clampdown” on the opposition, including “systematic
raids and arbitrary arrests” of activists. In a similar report,
Human Rights Watch said that soldiers had deployed around the country
to beat and harass supporters of opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai.
“The chances of having free, fair and credible elections,”
it said, “are slim.”
As part of accords
brokered by the South African Development Community (SADC), Zimbabwe
was to have implemented reforms of the security forces and media
and cleaned up its electoral register before any election. Mr. Mugabe
called the vote before any of this was done. The heads of the army
and police are long time regime loyalists who refused even to meet
with Mr. Tsvangirai. State television has been broadcasting Mr.
Mugabe’s campaign events while demanding that his opponent
pay $165,000 for coverage of his opening rally. A study of the voter
rolls by Zimbabwean groups showed massive distortions: An unrealistic
99.97 percent of the rural population was reported to have registered,
compared with only 68 percent in the cities, where the opposition
is stronger. A million younger voters who became eligible since
2008 have been left off the rolls.
None of this
should surprise any observer of Zimbabwe, where Mr. Mugabe, in office
since 1980, has never hesitated to use force, ballot-rigging or
appeals to racism and xenophobia to remain in power. Though his
health is reportedly weakening, leaders of his ruling party are
preparing to perpetuate the regime after his death, including through
changes to the just-approved constitution.
The question is whether their maneuvering will be tolerated by the
SADC, which is led by South Africa, and by Western governments.
With their own monitors banned by Mr. Mugabe, E.U. officials say
they will depend on the regional group’s judgment of whether
the elections are fair. That won’t be a hard call to make;
the question is whether Zimbabwe’s neighbours and the West
will have the fortitude to tell the truth about the election, and
to act accordingly.
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