| |
Back to Index
Is
Zimbabwe ready for another round of elections
Maxwell
Madzikanga
May 28, 2012
It is indisputable
and internationally agreed that without regular, properly scheduled,
legally constituted, free and fair elections, citizens of a country
cannot express their will nor can they be afforded an opportunity
to select those fit to govern on their behalf. By periodically choosing
their leaders during an election process, the electorate has a sacrosanct
opportunity to protect its rights and guard against violations of
fundamental freedoms. Elections supported by an appropriate separation
and balance of power, genuine independence of the judiciary, a pluralistic
system of political parties and organisations, respect for the rule
of law, an independent and pluralistic media, respect for political
and human rights, freedom of expression and the right to vote are
the "sine qua non" of democracy.
Every country in the
world, Zimbabwe included should hold elections in as transparent
a manner as the context allows. Any electoral process should ensure
that the citizens are informed in advance when an election will
take place, what the key electoral processes will entail, and which
political parties and candidates would be contesting for political
space. At the same time, all political parties and candidates should
be afforded a level campaigning space that enables them not only
to market their manifestos but also to adequately present themselves
to the "public", present their business case, be questioned,
engaged and challenged by the electorate. This kind of unbridled
interaction is healthy to any democratic political process. The
electoral system in Zimbabwe should be configured to ensure that
all unreasonable requirements hindering participation in the electoral
process are removed and that the criteria for potential candidates
are not unreasonably restrictive. Qualifying independent candidates,
small, regional and emerging political parties should be afforded
the same access to electoral resources and protection currently
enjoyed only by the major political parties.
Recently, there
have been reports in the local media in Zimbabwe and elsewhere detailing
the state and the dysfunctional nature of the coalition
government arrangement in country. Some of the issues centre
on concentration of power and decision-making in the presidium and
the coalition principals leaving the legislative body only as a
talking shop where non-binding, trivial issues are discussed and
debated. Indeed, a dysfunctional legislature is an affront not only
to democracy but the people who voted these "honourables"
into parliament.
Just waiting for their legislative terms to expire is but a dereliction
of duty and irresponsibility at its worst. If the coalition is not
working as reported by some of the key actors in the coalition,
then one wonders whether an election held even before a constitution
is finalised is not the best option. However, an early and haphazardly
planned national election may have grave and long-term implications
for the constitution
making process. The spill over effects on the economy and the
country-s nascent and strategic relationship with regional
and international community are gruesome to imagine. A contested
electoral process and a disputed outcome is not what Zimbabwe requires
at the moment.
With the electoral rhetoric and posturing witnessed recently, there
are fundamental and unavoidable soul searching questions to be asked:
Is Zimbabwe ready and able to conduct a free, fair election or not?
Is an election that complies with international best practice and
standards possible in the current context? Is Zimbabwe ready for
an election where all the political parties and contestants can
participate freely and be afforded an opportunity to market their
policies without fear of the unknown? To hold a free and fair election,
all the democratic institutions in Zimbabwe must not only be strong,
responsive, impartial and "courageous" but should also
be aware of their permanent enshrined statutory roles and responsibilities.
And as long as state apparatus do not understand their mandates
and core responsibilities, the electoral process and outcomes will
always be heavily contested in Zimbabwe. In the past, particularly
during the March 2008 and June 27 2008 runoff, some state institutions
were accused of having been partisan and instrumental in mandating
state-sponsored violence, stifling fundamental freedoms, diverting
state resources in support of one political party and cajoling traditional
leaders to influence voting patterns.
On the other hand, the opposition movement in Zimbabwe needs to
be more articulate as to why an early and hastily planned election
is not an option for the country. The main opposition Movement for
Democratic Change needs to be more articulate in marketing and packaging
its rationale for a delayed election. That rationale should go beyond
the fact that the constitution needs to be in place prior to the
election being held. One would hope to read and hear more about
the wider implications of an early election on retarding economic
and political recovery, trade and commerce, how an early election
would affect the gains made in health, social services, education,
national healing and investor confidence. In the past, the main
opposition Movement for Democratic Change has made the mistake of
investing heavily in externally-focussed advocacy, political globetrotting,
and seeking international and regional support for its policies
and strategies. However, a positive outcome of this externally-looking
focus has been the persistent pressure impressed upon ZANU PF by
SADC and the African Union to reform and respect human rights.
An aggressive,
persistent and structured approach targeted at the electorate has
been lacking and as a result the electorate particularly in rural
and semi-urban areas have been left wondering and at times awestruck.
The line between ZANU PF and MDC seems to be blurring by the day
and if the smaller political parties and independent candidates
make massive inroads into MDC-T strongholds, Harvest House should
not cry wolf. Harvest House should ensure that before its policy
statements are churned out, there is shared agreement at all levels
to avoid the many policy flip-flops witnessed since 2008. At times
it appears like MDC-T is a party without a foundation, a party without
principles and clear direction. A party that has forgotten the horrors
of 2008 so quickly. If the party is going to survive, then it
has to ensure that its policies are clearly and cleverly articulated
at all leadership levels, coherent and compatible with prevailing
political reality. It would be sad to witness all the sacrifice
going down the drain. In politics as in other spheres of public
life, the private images of politicians matter. With all the brains
available at MDC-T-s disposal, Zimbabweans expect more in
terms of clearer policy articulation and robust understanding of
critical social, economic and other imperatives prevailing in the
country. Come rain and thunder, MDC-T and any other political formation
should be ready for the electoral surgery so long as that examination
has been designed by competent bodies!
Currently, the Zimbabwean
electorate and the international community are receiving mixed,
conflicting, and at times incoherent messages regarding when the
next presidential and parliamentary elections will be held. The
argument should go beyond the reasoning that there will be no election
until "our SADC approved demands are met". MDC should
by now know better the strength, Machiavellian-style and arrogance
of ZANU PF and its leadership. The responsibility is upon the principals
of the coalition government to face up and debate this unpalatable
subject and agree on an uncontested election roadmap. The continued
uncertainty over whether an election will be held in 2012 or 2013
is not only unacceptable but a mockery to the millions of people
who are struggling daily to earn a living yet continue to provide
unreasonable remuneration and per diems for the politicians-
upkeep-the electorate. If the principals are not discussing such
an important issue, then what are they discussing during the several
marathon meetings conducted almost on a weekly basis.
The ugly memories of
political violence and torture unleashed on defenceless citizens
are still afresh and it is a complete dereliction of duty and core
responsibilities if the issue of an electoral roadmap is not agreed
and widely disseminated. Politics is a game of compromise, negotiation,
shifting of mind-set as well as give and take. The days when politics
was a zero-sum game are over particularly for a country with a delicate
and profoundly complex context like Zimbabwe.
My opinion is
that before presidential and parliamentary elections are held in
Zimbabwe, some minimum conditions need to be identified, discussed
and agreed by all the political actors including civil society organisations.
Among the conditions to be met before elections are held is the
presence of a genuinely independent electoral body, an updated voters
roll, existence of a level political environment for all, a voter
education and awareness raising campaign conducted nationally by
non-partisan civic actors, de-politicisation of traditional structures
at village, ward, provincial and national level, zero-tolerance
of political violence, existence of politically neutralised state
organs, access to free and unfettered media by all political parties,
robust procedures for resolving disputes and clear declaration procedures
for election outcomes, clear pathways for arbitration and contestation
of electoral results, existence of an independent and empowered
judiciary. In an environment where some non-governmental organisations
are clearly partisan and aligned either to ZANU PF or MDC, it becomes
extremely complex for a free and fair election to be held. By now
the legislature should have enacted and operationalized a clear
cross-party framework that guides the operations of local and international
non-governmental organisations particularly during elections. The
proper functioning of civil society organisation is a critical ingredient
of any democratic society and any framework so developed should
not stifle but promote their civic roles and responsibilities.
If there are any enduring lessons to be learnt from the 2008 presidential
and legislative electoral process, it is the need to ensure that
the "role of the courts as impartial dispensers of justice
and impartial adjudication of conflicts" needs to be revisited,
clearly defined and strengthened before another election is held.
The Zimbabwean judiciary has to be supported and capacitated in
its mandate as a dispenser of binding rulings and neutral arbiter
during electoral processes. The role of the judiciary in facilitating
a smooth and legitimate transfer of power and holding people to
account for their actions irrespective of their political affiliation
and standing in the republic has to be commonly shared at all levels.
At the moment, MDC-T is intoxicated with removing and dislodging
ZANU PF from power while ZANU PF is prepared to fight to the last
man and never to hand-over power to a party perceived to be aligned
with the "West". This type of unhealthy scenario is
self-defeating for both parties and detrimental to the progress
and development of the country. At the same time, it should be understood
that we are dealing with two parties that have had a chance to taste
the "sweetness of power" and its associated fringe benefits.
The is no easy answer
whether 2012 is the appropriate year to go for another round of
elections in Zimbabwe nor is it a simple decision to be made by
one party in the seemingly dysfunctional coalition. However, what
is critical is the realisation that the process for conducting this
fundamental democratic process and the outcomes of the process will
always be heavily contested particularly if minimum electoral preconditions
are not agreed. The coalition government would be violating its
obligations if it does not inform the electorate as to when the
next election should happen and the format of that election. Periodic,
free and fair elections are a human right. The citizens of Zimbabwe
have a right to know and to be provided with a coherent and time-bound
electoral roadmap.
Please credit www.kubatana.net if you make use of material from this website.
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons License unless stated otherwise.
TOP
|
