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This article participates on the following special index pages:
New Constitution-making process - Index of articles
On
new Constitution - Let Zimbabweans decide
Dewa Mavhinga
May 18, 2012
The recently
published first Constitution Select Committee (COPAC) draft
constitution has generated intense debate across the country with
some within Zanu PF led by professor Jonathan Moyo and Tafataona
Mahoso attacking everything about the draft including Zanu PF representatives
in COPAC. This small group of very vocal individuals with access
to acres of state media space is essentially advancing two mistaken
views, namely that the draft constitution should be abandoned now
because it ostensibly does not reflect the views of the people and
that the next elections should be held under the current Lancaster
House constitution.
I seek here to demonstrate that this noise around the constitution
is both unjustified and unnecessary.
To begin with, COPAC
is not pretending that the first draft is the final document, but
only a draft subject to several more steps of validation by Zimbabweans
including a second all stakeholders conference and ultimately a
national referendum whose precise function is to give Zimbabweans
an opportunity to accept or reject the draft. One therefore wonders
why a few individuals within Zanu PF including professor Jonathan
Moyo and Tafataona Mahoso would purport to speak for the people
of Zimbabwe and seek to pre-empt a process that is underway. If
it is indeed true, which it is not, that the views of Zimbabweans
have not been captured in the draft constitution, then surely it
is up to Zimbabweans themselves through the national referendum
vote to indicate that their views were indeed omitted.
It is unfair
for a small group of individuals to disenfranchise Zimbabweans through
a premature campaign to abandon the constitutional
review process without affording the people an opportunity to
engage directly with the draft document. The first draft constitution
has been widely circulated, including through publication by the
Herald, it is now in the public domain, but there has been no public
outcry over the draft constitution except from the usual suspects
who appear to be using the draft constitution to address matters
internal to Zanu PF. Zimbabweans know what they said they want in
a new constitution - they must be given a chance to decide
on the draft constitution at the right time using the right platform
on a national referendum.
After investing so much
time (over two years) and resources (in excess of US$45 million)
into the constitution-making process led by parliamentarians from
both Zanu PF and the two MDC formations, it is only fair that the
process be taken to its logical conclusion as we are now covering
the last mile in the process. There is a real danger, however, that
we may drop the button while covering this last lap, or in Shona,
kuputsa chirongo tasvika. Various voices are now emerging from the
shadows, including from the army, displacing Zimbabweans and purporting
to speak for them. It is not for the army, or any single political
party or group of individuals to decide and prescribe what Zimbabweans
want - that must be left to the ballot.
A fundamental tenet of
democracy is that citizens must be able to express their wishes
directly, usually through a vote, either on a matter of governance
or on who should represent them in government. This tenet is now
in mortal danger as a small group of individuals campaign vigorously
to have Zimbabweans foregore their basic right to vote on this important
matter. It is necessary to examine possible reasons why there is
this desperate attempt to stop the new constitution and push Zimbabweans
to go for the next elections under the current Lancaster House constitution.
In my view, the truth
of the matter is that there is a real fear of positive political
change that will be brought about by a new constitution. Already,
the first COPAC draft has triggered panic by its proposals for such
reforms as the stripping of the presently politicized office of
the Attorney General of prosecuting powers to vest those powers
in a new Independent National Prosecuting Authority, the imposition
of strict terms limits on the president and security chiefs, widespread
electoral reforms, the creation of a Constitution Court that will
pave way for a revamp of the currently compromised judiciary, the
strengthening of Parliament to improve checks and balances on executive
power and the development of a comprehensive Bill of Rights with
stronger rights of women clearly and specifically including the
right to paid maternity leave, right of guardianship of minor children,
equality with men and recognition of affirmative action. Additionally,
the principle of devolution has been acknowledged, although its
functions and mechanics are still being worked out.
These reforms, although
not as sweeping as some of us would have wanted, are sufficient
to permanently alter Zimbabwe-s political landscape and to
generate new election campaign issues for the next election. It
is this potential for real change of the political and electoral
landscape that seems to have triggered the shrill calls for the
process either to be abandoned or to be separated from the next
elections in order to hold those elections under an uneven political
field and under conditions of militarized violence. There is need
for a strong pushback against attempts to prematurely derail the
constitution-making process by taking away the right of Zimbabweans
to decide on their future and putting that power in the hands of
a few individuals who think they can sit in their lofty offices
and prescribes what is good for us all.
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