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Zimbabwe-s
discordant linkage of foreign direct investment and the national
economy
Takura
Zhangazha
March 13, 2012
On March 1 and
2 this year, the Ministry of Economic Planning and Investment Promotion
held an investment workshop in Gauteng Province, South Africa. The
conference was held under the theme 'Realizing Zimbabwe-s
Investment Potential- and was primed to attract the South
African and the broader international business community to invest
in our country. It turns out that the most contentious issue in
the aftermath of the conference was that of the government-s
policy of indigenization. This being particularly evidenced by the
public spat generated when the Minister of Youth, Indigenization
and Economic Empowerment, Mr. Kasukuwere referred to statements
made by Prime Minister Tsvangirai at the same conference as being
characteristic of a 'lose cannon-. It is probably not
only in Zimbabwe where one minister attacks a senior member of cabinet
with such brazen vitriol, but that is probably a full indication
of how fractured the inclusive
government remains.
The bigger issue however
is not related to what can only be viewed as a public display of
insubordination by Minister Kasukuwere to the office of the Prime
Minister. Instead it is to query the motivation of the inclusive
government, via the relevant ministry to host an investment conference
without being clear within its own cabinet on the short, medium
and long term effects of indigenization of the economy. This is
because courting the South African and in the same process, the
broader international business community to invest in Zimbabwe is
obviously a matter that merits a common and collectively responsible
investment approach from any serious government.
There are three quick
probable answers as to why the government went ahead with hosting
this conference regardless of evident policy disagreements. The
first being that the ministry responsible probably wanted to be
seen to doing the right thing by way of the government work programme.
Secondly, there is obviously an intention by the ministry which
is run by an MDC-T minister to demonstrate its commitment to what
has come to be viewed as the 'best practice- courting
of private-public sector partnerships and Foreign Direct Investment
(FDI).
The third reason why
cabinet as a collective and with at least four ministers in attendance
agreed to host this conference is that Zanu PF probably wanted to
prove a particular political point to both South African business
as well as its reluctant bedfellows in the inclusive government.
This being that regardless of the investment conference-s
or international capital-s concerns, it was not going to change
its globally controversial indigenization plans. This was a point
made even more poignant by the very Minister Kasukuwere-s
very public insistence that mining giant, Zimplats concede to ceding
shares to the government the same week the investment conference
was due to be held.
All these probable and
somewhat political reasons are however only symptomatic of a larger
problem that faces the 'matrix- (to use our Finance
Minister-s terminology) of the state, foreign direct investment
and the national economy. It is functionally an 'inorganic
'matrix thus far into the tenure of the inclusive government.
This is primarily because of its heavy emphasis on the extractive
nature of FDI in Zimbabwe without social investment conditionality
on those international conglomerates that are being courted. And
this, if one takes the examples of the diamond mining industry,
has been done with what can reasonably presumed to be collusion
between state elites and international mining concerns. The outcome
of these not so clear deals and mining concessions, has been negligible
in relation to progressive societal or public infrastructure impact.
To compound matters further,
the inclusive government seems over-obssessed with public-private
partnerships without clearly delineating the expected broader national
development impact of the same. This may be because some ministers
are somewhat over keen on demonstrating their ability to grasp World
Bank or IMF concepts even where the same said concepts or strategic
economic interventions are inapplicable to our national context
or where they have proven to be a failure elsewhere (a key example
is that of bio-fuel agriculture in Chisumbanje, which has been discredited
as disempowering to peasant farmers and damaging to the environment
in parts of Latin America).
The inclusive government,
particularly the ministries that are responsible for trade, mining,
promoting investment and finance need to learn to drive a much more
transparent and publicly accountable FDI bargain. Indeed while the
national economy has suffered over the last ten or so years from
the flight of investment, it remains necessary that we do not negotiate
on a platform of complete desperation for any sort of investment.
Be it from the East or the West.
A firmer FDI negotiation
platform would be strongly assisted if the government sets out social
responsibility frameworks for potential and current international
companies that are in Zimbabwe. This would include making FDI acceptable
where it is linked to the development of public infrastructure that
will benefit not just the military but also our hospitals, transport
networks (especially our national railways) and our education system
(with emphasis on transfers of knowledge to Zimbabweans). And in
all of this, our ministers must be cautious about seeking international
recognition merely because they have come to grasp seemingly complex
financial and investment concepts. They must be more focused on
our local contexts when they court international capital in order
that it also finds progressive meaning to all Zimbabweans and not
just those that are in proximity to state power.
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