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Tackling
corruption in the newsroom
Tawanda
Majoni
March 06, 2012
A Gallup International
perception survey done for Transparency
International Zimbabwe gives the local media a saddening grading
of six out of the ten most corrupt institutions in the country,
sharing Mammon-s high table with the police, political parties,
parliament, the civil service and the judiciary. My experience as
a journalist over the years gives me no reason to doubt this; indeed,
the cash-for-coverage melanoma is so far-flung it is now dishonest
to describe the media as the Fourth Estate.
By saying this,
though, I do not intend to place myself in a controversial hyperbole,
because I am convinced we still have a notable number of untainted
journalists out there. There are those that flinch at the idea of
selling a little of media love, out of gained principle; there are
those that just do not have the chance to do so; and there are those
that do not see it necessary. Yet we have so many who would scramble
at the drop of a coin, and these are the lot about whom we should
have all reason to grieve.
Bribery, shockingly,
afflicts all tiers of the newsroom profile, right from the intern.
It is easy for beneficiaries of bribery, chief among them politicians,
musicians and artists, CEOs and industry captains as well as celebrities
and underground mafia to overawe interns with thin envelopes because
they are largely susceptible to that given their greenness. But
it becomes more disturbing where more senior journalists and newsroom
managers are the culprits, as is the case.
Newsroom bribery
adorns two general forms, the direct and indirect. Direct bribery
happens when journalists take bribes as gain for writing or spiking
stories for the advantage of those that pay. Where stories are written,
they are designed to portray an institution, body or personality
in positive light or to dilute a crisis. In all cases, journalists
overtly or subtly demand the bribes or the beneficiaries make the
offer, again directly or subtly.
Indirect cash
(or gifts) for coverage is tricky and scrambled, to the extent that,
on the surface, it may not appear as though journalists or stables
receive favours for positive coverage. There is indirect pressure
on newsrooms, as when a corporate body, aware that a media outlet
is pursuing a negative story around it, offers to give the stable
advertisements. Here, it becomes difficult for the stable to run
the damaging story because it needs the money to pay its workers.
I know of many journalists who have, preposterously, been fired
from their jobs for writing and running stories that attack the
stable-s advertiser. The indirect genre also assumes more
complex nuances, such as the unusually regular lunch or sundowner
or selective promotions of, pay rises or lucrative assignments for
journalists on a particular desks.
When you talk
to journalists who dabble in bribery, you often get the impression
that they are convinced the world owes them a salutary requiem for
their despicable disposition. They moan about poor or delayed salaries
and tell you that, after all, there is no harm in stashing some
small envelope away. But nothing could be farther from the truth,
for bribe taking in the media, like anywhere else, is absolutely
an ethical abomination, to the extent that it can NEVER be justified.
It undermines fundamental ethical values-truth, balance, objectivity,
fairness-and leaves the news consumer the poorer. It gives journalism
a bad name and takes away the watchdog brand from the profession.
Given the complexity
that comes with bribery in the media, particularly as gatekeepers
are involved and evidence is mostly hard to extract, is it possible
to effectively deal with the malignancy? Yes, it is possible to
stem it. Identifying and stunting bribery in the newsroom, though,
requires elaborate and cautious approaches and calls on concerted
efforts from news people, institutions and members of the public.
An essential
step is to gain an appreciation of the signs and symptoms of media
love merchandising, for that forms the basis for taking action against
the culprits. More often than not, we tend to ignore manifestations
of chequebook journalism, and this at our own peril. When a reporter
presents a brilliant investigative story idea but later approaches
the line editor with all sorts of excuses that he or she cannot
proceed with it, there is need for the desk editor to sit back and
reflect on what could be happening. There is need to take the reporter-s
excuses with a pinch of salt, for it is possible that in the process
of gathering information for the story, the journalist might have
been given a gift to stop it. It would also be prudent to log the
trend of failed diaries proffered by the reporter.
Another vital
hint of newsroom bribery is the sudden accumulation of material
wealth and a dramatic change in lifestyle among journalists. Generally,
local journalists are poorly paid-and this in itself is a driver
of corruption-so there is need to raise an eyebrow when a scribe
starts changing posh cars and becomes a regular patron of five star
hotels.
This is not
to say local journalists cannot afford that kind of lifestyle. These
days, people have become enterprising and a substantial number does
not depend entirely on the miserly employer, to the extent that
a junior reporter can own a car far better than that of his editor.
Material accumulation becomes an issue when linked to a certain
type of reportage, or, as it were, absence of it.
Editors and
publishers have every reason to worry when there is an unusual quantum
of positive stories on an individual or institution. While following
up stories is a golden rule in the newsroom, it becomes suspicious
when, for instance, the chief executive of a company becomes a regular
feature in a newspaper, and all the time draped in the most superlative
reportage-complete with personality profiles-even though he or she
could be suffering critical reports elsewhere. In this case, there
is need for a sharp eye for puffery disguised as news coverage.
Reporters who
get bribes usually combine this stretched reportage with pieces
that openly or clandestinely attack other persons or institutions,
which could be the briber-s adversaries. Where they cannot
help it, maybe because they are avoiding detection, culprits write
diluted stories and sometimes deliberately invert pitches to give
capital to their cash cows. I will suggest that where a senior reporter,
editor or publisher picks up this trend, he or she should also consciously
make observations on the reporter-s relationship with suspected
beneficiaries. Quite often, journalists give themselves away through
frequent visits by bribers to the newsroom, sometimes appearing
together regularly at all sorts of places, exchanging cars or even
clothes.
I have already hinted that role allocation in the fight against
newsroom bribery is complicated since, in some cases, there is need
to deploy guards to guard the guards. That means there is no absolute
limit to the types of gatekeepers who should be involved in the
fight. Below are some of the measures that can be adopted to arrest
cases of bribery:
- Kill stories
that indicate public relations stunts by reporters, even though
there is no concrete evidence suggesting so.
- Summon suspicious
reporters and be honest in your discussions with them about your
suspicions if you are a line editor, editor or publisher.
- Re-assign
stories where there is need.
- Reporters,
institutions and members of the public should whistle blow where
they detect cases of bribery, or formally making complaints to
relevant media institutions, such as the Voluntary Media Council
of Zimbabwe (VMCZ).
- Employers
need to strictly enforce codes of conduct and take exemplary disciplinary
steps where a journalist is found on the wrong side.
- Media organisations
and institutions ought to take it upon themselves to conscientise
journalists on ethical values through the distribution of codes
of ethics, coupling this with training sessions where possible.
It might not
sound easy to combat newsroom bribery, but it is possible. What
is important is the will power.
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