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Has democratic government become chimera in Zimbabwe?
Mutsa Murenje
May 12, 2011

I recognise human government as an ordinance of divine appointment and I teach obedience to it as a sacred duty, obviously within its legitimate sphere. I do not defy authorities. My words, whether spoken or written, are carefully considered, lest I place myself on record as uttering that which would make me appear antagonistic to law and order. It is because of this that I wish to write today, not as a Chipinge man, nor an Eastern man, but as a Zimbabwean consecrated to the cause of freedom. Hear me for my cause dear reader.

Deplorable conditions in Zimbabwe and the conscience of good to the cause of freedom have summoned me to make this contribution and by so doing, I hope to change, radically, the ugly face of our rotten politics. This semester is my second and final semester in class. It-s fast coming to an end. I have in fact started writing exams with the first one having been written on the 28th of April 2011. I still have six more papers to write but I believe this contribution is of special relevance to Zimbabwe especially as I hear and read almost on a daily basis about forthcoming elections. And yet some are already asking: ko iwe Mutsa, what have your studies got to do with us? You will soon understand why.

My Zimbabwean friend based in South Africa was wondering if at all I am following events at home. He wants us to religiously follow what is happening in the homeland especially this talk about elections and make some contributions as and when necessary.

My position on elections hasn-t changed at all and I don-t see it changing anytime soon. Zimbabwe isn-t ready for elections this year and for the first time I have found myself agreeing with Patrick Chinamasa, at least on elections! But remember, dear reader, that Rugare Gumbo has a different position, he believes elections can-t go beyond 2011 and that-s his party-s position. Gumbo-s or rather his party-s (ZANU PF) position makes democratic government in Zimbabwe chimera (and I am not referring to chimera chemahewu but an impossible idea or hope). Zimbabweans expect structural changes in the political environment before any election is held.

We all know that the MDC led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai identifies with the masses and this is the only party that has the capacity to sanitise our defiled polity. I disagree today, tomorrow and forevermore with Gumbo-s illogical reasoning that the MDC lacks an agenda to unfetter us from the fetters of Robert Mugabe-s unsound political and economic policies. The MDC has issued a statement through its Information and Publicity Department and it said it remains the only legitimate party in the country, with a genuine mandate to lead the people of Zimbabwe to a new, democratic and prosperous Zimbabwe. The People-s Party of Excellence dismissed claims made on Wednesday (11th May) by the ZANU PF Politburo that the MDC is not ready for elections.

For the record the MDC is ever ready for elections anytime, anywhere. However, unlike the unpopular ZANU PF, the MDC, the people of Zimbabwe, SADC and the AU agree that there should be a clear roadmap to holding of free, fair and credible elections.

Why my studies? This semester has introduced me to Peter Ekeh-s work on "Colonialism and the Two Publics in Africa: A Theoretical Statement" (1975) which is one of the most cited publications in the field of African studies, inside and outside Africa. Peter Ekeh-s publications span several fields and have been particularly influential in African studies. According to him, experiences of colonialism have led to the emergence of a unique historical configuration in modern post-colonial Africa-the existence of two publics instead of one public, as in the West. Ekeh is of the opinion that Africa-s political problems are largely a result of what he called "the dialectical relationships" between the two publics.

How do we define politics? Politics refers to activities of individuals insofar as they impinge on the public realm made up of the collective interests of the citizenry. But Ekeh argues that not all the activities of an individual are political-to the extent that he acts in his household or practices his religion in his home, he is acting in the private realm. My studies have brought to the fore the fact that both private and public realms have a common moral foundation. Generalised morality in society informs both the private realm and the public realm. That is, what is considered morally wrong in the private realm is also considered morally wrong in the public realm. Similarly, what is considered morally right in the private realm is also considered morally right in the public realm.

However, Ekeh argues that the total extension of the Western conception of politics in terms of a monolithic public realm morally bound to the private realm in Africa can only be made at theoretical and conceptual peril. He believes that there is a private realm in Africa that is differentially associated with the public realm in terms of morality. Ekeh makes reference to two public realms in post-colonial Africa and these have different moral linkages to the private realm. At one level is the public realm in which primordial groupings, ties, and sentiments influence and determine the individual-s public behaviour. Ekeh called this the primordial public-the primordial public is closely identified with primordial groupings, sentiments and activities, which nevertheless impinge on the public interest. The primordial public is moral and operates on the same moral imperatives as the private realm.

On the other hand, there is a public realm which is historically associated with the colonial administration and which has become identified with popular politics in post-colonial Africa. It is based on civil structures: the military, the civil service, the police, et cetera. This public realm which Ekeh called the civic public has no moral linkages with the private realm. It is amoral and lacks the generalised moral imperatives operative in the private realm and in the primordial public. ZANU PF represents this civic public. Calling for elections in 2011 is unreasonable either on moral or prudential grounds. The move stands in the way of democracy and should be vehemently resisted.

I hope you understand, dear reader, why I like making reference to my studies. My studies remain germane to the social, political and economic development of our country and all I am saying is: I am willing to put the highest standards of academic excellence in the service of humanity.

In conclusion, "Of course, 'morality- has an old-fashioned ring about it; but any politics without morality is destructive. And the destructive results of African politics in the post-colonial era owes something to the amorality of the civic public" (Peter Ekeh). May God help Zimbabwe!

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