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Of course land reform in Zimbabwe was a dismal failure
Nkanyiso Sibanda
February 11, 2011

I initially failed my MA thesis on land reform in Zimbabwe and South Africa because I had argued that land reform in Zimbabwe was a failure. My supervisor from Stellenbosch University told me that my external examiners believed land reform in Zimbabwe was not a failure and I was referred to a forthcoming book by Scoones (et al) that had 'empirical findings' that proved the success of Zimbabwe's land reform program. This book, I was told, was based on research done in one province (Masvingo) out of nine, that generally proved the success of Zimbabwe's land reform program. Because I wanted to pass my MA thesis, I wrote what my examiners wanted me to write with much apprehension and I passed. I have to say that for a Zimbabwean, who knows how my country was before the fast track land reform program and who now knows what it is like after the fast track land reform program, arguing that Zimbabwe's land reform was not a failure was one of the most torturous experiences of my academic life. I did so with tears in my heart because I know, just like any other ordinary Zimbabwean, that land reform in Zimbabwe was a dismal failure. No ordinary Zimbabwean will even enter into this debate because all of us know it. The reason my I am writing this is to clear my conscience over the stance that I took in my MA thesis.

It is common knowledge that Zimbabwe-s economy, unlike South Africa, was founded upon agricultural production. The agricultural sector in Zimbabwe (prior 2000) had historically been the largest formal employer and it contributed immensely to the country-s foreign currency earnings. There were huge exports of agriculture produce from crops such as maize, tobacco, cotton, horticulture which were produced by the country-s commercial farmers. Most of the lending by financial institutions were inclined towards agriculture. More than 75% of all Zimbabweans derived their livelihood directly and indirectly from the land (UN Economic Commission for Africa, 2002). Commercial agriculture accounted for about 25 per cent of the country-s total formal employment and 40 per cent of Zimbabwe-s foreign exchange earnings (Zimbabwe Commercial Farmer-s Union, 2003). More than 40% of Zimbabwe-s staple food (maize) was produced on commercial farms (Central Statistics Office, 2003). Before the fast track land reform program, Zimbabwe was the 6th largest producer of tobacco in the world (Tobacco Atlas, 2008). With the commencement of the fast track land reform program, tobacco production started plummeting as productive activity was disrupted on farms and taken over by less skilled farmers. The country is presently not even included in the list of tobacco producers anymore (Tobacco Atlas, 2008). Despite arguing the contrary, Moyo, Scoones and Cousins (2009) acknowledge that 'the importance of formal employment (in Zimbabwe-s) commercial agriculture was undoubted and the consequences of the land reform program on farm workers- livelihoods have been dire.-

Until 2000, the country produced more than enough grain that it exported the surplus to the rest of Africa. At this time, the World Food Programme-s (WFP) only operation in Zimbabwe was a procurement office from where it purchased Zimbabwean grain for food aid programmes elsewhere in Africa (Amnesty International, 2004). While other factors such as seasonal droughts, disease, the global economic challenges have played a part in contributing to food insecurity in Zimbabwe, the government-s fast track land reform program and its implementation has been a major cause of the country-s food challenges.

About 95 per cent of farm workers lost their jobs as a result of the 'fast track- land redistribution program (Sachikonye, 2003). A major casualty of the fast track land reform program were farm workers. They numbered about 300 000 in all and were massively displaced by the fast track land reform program. Many went from steady employment to contract work or casual work while others were forced to supplement their meager incomes through fishing, theft and prostitution. Millions more people in related industries also lost their jobs. Companies that depended on raw agricultural materials were severely affected and many of them had to cease operations, resulting in thousands being retrenched. The sudden halt in food production soon saw acute food shortages. This led to massive hikes in food prices coupled with inflation rates that were rising unabated. The poor became even poorer. Thousands of people who had apparently benefitted initially from the fast track land reform program became even worse off as the economy gave in. They lacked essential support to farm their land. They did not have money, the expertise and in most instances, the desire to farm and the majority of them did not engage in agricultural production. Hundreds of people died from starvation as food production almost came to a complete halt .

The crumbling economy resulted in a slow down which eventually became a complete halt in service delivery. Schools closed, hospitals ceased to function as the government lacked money to buy medical facilities. Thousands died from diseases such as cholera and malaria. Thousands of skilled workers left the country to seek for better living and working conditions outside the country, resulting in an acute brain drain. Zimbabwe-s relationship with Britain and other European countries reached an all time low as the fast track land reform program was chided from all corners. Zimbabwe was suspended (and ultimately quit) from the commonwealth. Various euphemistic ontologisms such as 'failed state, rogue state, basket case- (among others) were used to describe the country.

Because the land reform program was fast tracked and frenzied, without proper planning and demarcations to clearly identify who owned which piece of land, numerous boundary disputes arose as a result of this. Neighbours have turned into enemies and there have been reports of murders and other malicious acts as a result of disputes over boundaries.

The fast track land reform program also brought with it much undermining of the rule of law. In the violence that characterized the fast track land reform program, many people died while many more were persecuted and tortured but none of the culprits were brought to book. While the courts declared the program unlawful and ordered the government to stop none of the culprits were brought to book.

Mamdani (2008) acknowledges -

The judiciary was reshaped, local institutions in rural areas narrowly politicized and laws were passed which granted local agencies the powers necessary to crush opponents of land reform. Denouncing his adversaries in the trade unions and NGOs as servants of the old white ruling class, Mugabe authorized the militias and state security agencies to hound down opposition as repressions and reform went hand in hand.

Besides the elite and politically connected, no one has benefited from Zimbabwe's land reform program. We now import foodstuff that even the poorest and unskilled of farmers used to produce in their backyard. Did you know that a child who was born in 2000 only started seeing an operational fuel service station only after the formation of the GNU because our fuel stations did not have fuel? And this is traceable to the chaotic land reform program. For researchers, to come and argue that land reform in Zimbabwe was not a failure leaves much to be desired. The beneficiaries of this land reform program do not even have security of tenure, it is not even clear who owns what and where.

Land reform in Zimbabwe was a dismal failure. What Zimbabwe is now is evidence of that. One needn't even do research to come to this conclusion. Do not even read newspapers. Just go to a shop in Zimbabwe and see the origins of the products being sold there. Most of them are imports, something which we Zimbabweans never knew before the chaotic land reform.

Unlike the researchers who published their findings based on 'research' done in Masvingo province, those of us who are Zimbabwens have been all over Zimbabwe and have seen first hand the dire results of the land reform project. We do not need to research these results.

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