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Zimbabwe
in 2011/2012: Political scenario mapping
John Makumbe,
Idasa
February 10, 2011
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The year 2010
ended on a rather sour note for most politicians in Zimbabwe. At
the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) annual
consultative meeting in December, President Robert Mugabe called
for harmonized elections to be held in 2011, arguing that the Government
of National Unity (GNU) was not working well. He argued that
the GNU, a temporary measure aimed at bringing about inclusivity
and harmony, had not been an effective governance mechanism. In
Zimbabwe, the call for elections always conjures up scenes of political
violence, polarisation and the possibility of incumbent legislators
losing their seats.
On returning
from his annual holiday in Singapore, Mugabe repeated his call for
elections in 2011 indicating that as President, he had the constitutional
authority to dissolve Parliament and call for elections. This was
strongly disputed by Morgan Tsvangirai, the Prime Minister and president
of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T), who rightly argued
that Mugabe cannot dissolve Parliament and call for elections without
first consulting the other two Principals.
The purpose
of this piece is to map out some of the possible scenarios that
Zimbabwe may be faced with in 2011/2012. Given the volatility of
the Zimbabwe political situation, it is only fair to caution that
all four of the scenarios outlined below could change significantly
with the passage of time.
Scenario
One: Ivory [Most Likely]
We have called
this first scenario Ivory since it is inspired by some of the events
that are currently taking place in the Ivory Coast, which closely
resemble the events that occurred in Zimbabwe in 2008. It is ironic
that in its wisdom (or lack of it), the African Union (AU) included
President Mugabe on the team of mediators that will be working on
the Ivorian crisis. Despite Mugabe-s call for elections in
2011, there is likely to be SADC pressure on the inclusive government
to fully implement the global
political agreement (GPA) so as to ensure that the next elections
are credible and indisputable. The legal and institutional reforms
that are spelt out in the GPA would have to be implemented, as well
as the twenty-four outstanding issues that have already been agreed
on but have not yet been implemented.
The time required
for the drafting of the new constitution and the holding of a referendum
will essentially mean that no elections can be conducted in Zimbabwe
in 2011. Both formations of the MDC have so far indicated that they
will not agree to participate in elections before the GPA stipulated
reforms are in place. Elections can, however, be held should any
one of the three parties to the GPA indicate that they are no longer
interested in participating in the GNU.
There are growing
fears for Mugabe-s health since he will be turning 87 this
February. Zanu- PF would therefore prefer that elections are held
as soon as possible while Mugabe is still in reasonable health.
There are, however, some Zanu-PF members of Parliament
who are not keen on early elections as they are afraid of losing
their seats to the popular MDC-T. Zanu-PF is very likely to deploy
elements from the security sector to campaign for Mugabe and his
party, and this will essentially mean that there will be serious
levels of political violence. At the same time, the business community
is worried that elections in 2011 will most likely have a negative
impact on the fragile economy which, though stable, is improving
at a very slow pace due to the political uncertainties, limited
foreign direct investment and Zimbabwe-s ill-conceived policies
such as the indigenization and economic empowerment policy. There
will therefore be limited transition to democracy and polarisation
will remain as any healing and reconciliation efforts will fail
to gather momentum. As a result, the MDC-T is likely to get stronger
while Zanu-PF will be weakened under this scenario.
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