|
Back to Index
The relationship between NGOs and the state in Zimbabwe -
English summary
Hussein
Nosair
December 19, 2009
This study is divided
into three chapters; Clearing at the outset a preliminary theoretical
framework to examine the relationship between NGOs and the State,
The first chapter deals with the determinants and the development
of relationship between NGOs and the State in Zimbabwe. This chapter
has been divided into three sections, covering in the first section
the internal parameters of the relationship between NGOs and the
State through making highlight on the constitutional and legal determinants,
and the determinants of political, economic and social conditions.
The second section shows the determinants of Foreign Affairs of
this relationship through the presentation of the most important
determinants of regional and international data, as all necessarily
affects the relationship between them since independence. As shown
in the third part, the evolution of the relationship between NGOs
and the State, from the beginning of the containment and voluntary
integration between them in the period between 1980-1995, to the
exclusion of Non-Government Organizations in the process of forced
assimilation of them since 1995 due to shifting their development
program to political action. Chapter II illustrates the relationship
between Non-Government Organizations and the legislative authority
through two sections, the first section illustrates the role of
NGOs in the Parliament through showing the activities of the governmental
Committee to supervise elections and their impact on the process
of monitoring the parliamentary elections, and the role of Zimbabwe
network of Election Support (ZESN), as one of the leading Non-Government
Organizations working in the field of election monitoring and has
an influential role on the electoral process. The second section
illustrates the extent to which the capacity of NGOs to influence
parliament through attendance at meetings of the public hearing
committees, which are deemed an application of the interaction between
parliament and the organizations that allows them to give an advisory
opinion on draft laws submitted by the Government through the stages
of discussion to the Parliament. Examples of those legislation are;
draft NGOs law in 2004, amending the election law in the same year,
and the amendment of the Employment and Communications law in 2006.
Chapter III deals with the relationship between Non-Government Organizations
and the executive branch through two sections, The first illustrates
the role of Non-Government Organizations in the constitutional amendments
since independence and their vision of the draft constitution prepared
and hoped to put to a referendum as consequence of the power-sharing
agreement signed in 2008. This section also clarifies the role of
those organizations in the executive elections, which include presidential
and local elections and their relationship to the local government.
The second section explains some of the policies of the executive
power towards Non-Government Organizations through viewing practices
of the executive power against them. Finally, it shows the power-sharing
agreement and a vision of the future relationship between the coalition
government and NGOs, then the study is wrapped up with the most
important results.
The
Results of the Study
The study concludes that
not only the role of NGOs is influencing and being influenced by
public policy of the State, it has more interactions in all elections
held in the country since independence, including presidential,
legislative elections, and constitutional referendums. NGOs played
a role in the process of political polarization and pushing the
electorate to vote for opposition parties, which was established
mostly through Non-Government Organizations after its alliance with
trade unions and church groups. As a result, the movement for Democratic
Change held government power on the shoulders of those organizations
after the signing of power-sharing agreement in 2008. Although The
tense of relationship between NGOs and the State doesn't reduce
the size of the achievement, which organizations have managed to
accomplish, and what Zimbabwe NGOs achieved from an unprecedented
development in African countries on the process of democratization
is worthy of attention. Despite the obstacles and challenges created
by government legislation on their way, some of those organizations
have been described by the ruling regimes of being one of the most
important tools of Western foreign policy and a channel for foreign
interventions in the country. However, NGOs still insist on playing
an active role in the activities of governance, democracy and a
constitutional amendment in which it must be provided for the freedom
of composition and work, and for limitations to be balanced with
the rules of democracy in the framework of respect human rights
by the state. However, with the continued state of tension prevailing
in the country and not to start the executive steps to amend the
constitution and the implementation of the remaining items of power-sharing
agreement, we can say that there are two possibilities of the political
impasse between NGOs and the State in Zimbabwe:
The
First Possibility: The movement for Democratic Change has
to comply with what is imposed by Western countries to make the
working Non-Government Organizations in the country, the main partner
of the development process of political, economic and social development
at the expense of ZANU-PF who controls the most powerful part of
the coalition government. Specially, that both of Non-Government
Organizations and the Movement for Democratic Change are still carrying
similar agendas based on the principles of Western capitalism, and
NGOs are the only entities, at this stage, that can get adequate
western funds and grants to be redistributed to development projects
instead of the government. According to this possibility, the Non-Government
Organizations would be able to have the capacity to pass amendments
to remove all restrictions on the way drafting the new Constitution,
particularly with regard to self-censorship of performance, and
without necessity to enact other legislation beside the constitution.
The
Second Possibility: The gap in the dispute, which began
between NGOs and the coalition government because of the insistence
of Western countries to give those organizations the role of distributive
resources of the State instead of the government will be broaden.
In addition, the rejection of the United States and Britain to carry
out their pledges to support the Government to re-finance the Fund
to Buy the Land from White Owners and to compensate them rather
than to be nationalized. Consequently it is expected that the Movement
for Democratic Change, in collaboration with ZANU-PF, will take
an opposite direction to the efforts of donor countries, and not
to allow NGOs to work as agents and channels for Western countries
to serve their interests and intervene in the affairs of the country
at the expense of the development process. Moreover, not to give
NGOs the power to grant, withhold and to dictate on the regime,
and stand against attempts to marginalize the role of the government
coalition that the Movement for Democratic Change had fought for
until gaining the power. In addition, it's expected- according to
this possibility- that the Government would activate the draft of
NGOs law which was passed by Parliament in 2004 and was refused
ratification by the president alternative sources of funding must
be done to save the country from economic collapse caused by Western
countries, which continue to use white groups as a pretext to interfere
in the affairs of the state.
Please credit www.kubatana.net if you make use of material from this website.
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons License unless stated otherwise.
TOP
|