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This article participates on the following special index pages:
Inclusive government - Index of articles
Spotlight on inclusive government: It's not working - Index of articles
Zimbabwe under a subimperial, neoliberal thumb
Patrick
Bond
February 2009
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http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/55156
(This article
was presented at seminars in February, prior to the introduction
of the Short-Term
Emergency Recovery Programme and revised
2009 Budget)
Introduction
The rise and spread of
cholera, the closure of schools, detention of political prisoners,
demise of the currency and myriad other cries of Help! are being
sent from Zimbabwe.
The September
2008 power-sharing
deal between the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and Zanu
(PF), only brought to partial fruition in February with the appointment
of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, has crucial moral implications
for South Africa.
Will our foreign policy
continue to be characterised as 'subimperialist-, for
foisting Washington-era economic ideology as part of loan and grant
conditionality, for the benefit of Johannesburg capital? And will
the New South Africa be viewed in the same way from Zimbabwe villages
as the Old South Africa was viewed from the old Transkei Bantustan
- a place responsible for keeping the local dictator alive
and corrupt, and sucking out cheap workers?
I worry that for Pretoria
politicians, the first stage in weakening democratic potentials
in Zimbabwe was nurturing the dictatorship of Robert Mugabe from
the time of the mid-2000 challenge to his power, a problem caused
not only by Thabo Mbeki-s extreme views but also by his successor
Kgalema Motlanthe-s inability or unwillingness to change course.
The result: A ridiculous deal likely to fall apart within months
if not weeks.
Trevor Manuel is hammering
the second nail in the coffin, along with the African Development
Bank, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the UN
Development Programme. It will be called a 'rescue package-
or 'aid- but in reality it is an instruction to Tsvangirai
that he must first repay Mugabe-s Odious Debts and tighten
the impoverished Zimbabwean people-s belts.
Strike three for Zimbabwe-s
democracy will be when South African firms sweep up the country-s
physical assets, shares of residual firms and real estate for a
song.
In addition to considering
Pretoria-s malicious role, it is time for a closer examination
of the Bretton Woods Institutions- historic and current role
in Zimbabwe. Along with the UN Development Programme and donor governments,
the Bank and Fund are exploring economic intervention in an economy
suffering a decade-long depression and the world-s worst-ever
recorded inflation.
Meanwhile, civil
society - especially those involved in the historic February
2008 People-s
Charter - have been asking whether Mugabe-s foreign
debt should be repaid; whether orthodox 'Washington Consensus-
strategies work and whether new grants and loans should be conditional
upon neoliberal policies; and how might social forces be reorganised
to ensure a deeper democratic transition and socio-economic justice?
What is at stake, following
the establishment of power-sharing and a route to democracy, is
who will win the new economic chimurenga (liberation war) being
waged in Zimbabwe. The choices are diverse: A parasitical elite
of several thousand bureaucrats and crony business operators around
Mugabe; the productive bourgeoisie (what-s left of it) around
Tsvangirai; the domestic and international financiers hoping for
austerity; the global corporations devoted to resource extraction;
the aid industry; or the povo (masses).
* Patrick
Bond is director of the University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil
Society
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