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Adopting the rand not the answer for Zimbabwe
Gavin Keeton,
Business Day
February 12, 2009
http://www.businessday.co.za/articles/topstories.aspx?ID=BD4A937533
President Kgalema Motlanthe
has suggested that Zimbabwe could adopt the rand to end its hyperinflation
woes. While ending hyperinflation is a necessary first step for
economic recovery in Zimbabwe, the rand is not the answer.
No country has ever grown
while suffering from hyperinflation; indeed, every experience of
hyperinflation has been accompanied by the kind of economic collapse
Zimbabwe is currently witnessing. In looking for a cure, Zimbabwe
can look to a surprisingly large number of countries that historically
experienced hyperinflation — eight from 1920-1946 and 16 since
1984. As a recent Brenthurst paper shows, in all countries the cause
was the same: hyperinflation was preceded by a long period of very
high inflation , followed by an event in which an already high budget
deficit suddenly increased sharply. An institutional ability to
use the central bank to print money to fund the large deficit caused
prices to spiral to ever-higher levels. In hyperinflation, government
tax revenue inevitably collapses as economic activity contracts.
Moreover, taxes are paid only monthly, quarterly or annually, by
which time hyperinflation has made their value virtually worthless.
As a result the deficit rises further, requiring the central bank
to print more money, which in turn drives hyperinflation ever higher
in a cycle of sky-high prices and economic collapse.
What makes Zimbabwe-s
experience of hyperinflation unusual is the extraordinarily high
level that hyperinflation has reached. At 231-million percent in
July last year, Zimbabwe-s hyperinflation has been surpassed
by only the Weimar Republic (Germany) in 1923 (where prices doubled
every two days) and Hungary in the aftermath of the Second World
War (prices doubled every 15 hours).
Zimbabwe-s experience
of hyperinflation is also unusual in that it has now lasted for
almost two years. Most other hyperinflations lasted only a few months
or maybe a year because the economic collapse that accompanied hyperinflation
brought about a swift change of government or at least a U-turn
on the policies that caused hyperinflation in the first place. The
price Zimbabwe has paid is that its economic collapse has been especially
severe.
To end hyperinflation,
the budget deficit must be slashed — international experience
suggests by at least 10% of gross domestic product (GDP), but in
Zimbabwe the fact that the true deficit may be approaching an astonishing
80% of GDP suggests that the cut may have to be much greater than
this.
Second, the misuse of
the central bank to fund the deficit by printing money must be ended
by removing the bank from government control. None of this is easy,
as reducing the deficit in a situation where tax revenue has collapsed
means slashing government spending (for which read employment in
the civil service) at a time of very high unemployment and collapsed
delivery of social services.
A third condition for
ending hyperinflation is the establishment of what economists call
a "nominal anchor" — replacing a valueless local
currency with a yardstick against which future prices can be measured
and their rate of increase brought under control. Often this anchor
has been a fixed exchange rate or at least a "crawling peg"
in which the exchange rate depreciates at a slowing rate.
Adopting the rand as
Zimbabwe-s currency would provide such a peg. At the same
time it would prevent the Zimbabwe Reserve Bank from printing money
to fund the budget deficit as it cannot print rands. This in turn
will force the government to slash the deficit and hyperinflation
will indeed end. But such a solution is not workable in practice.
The Zimbabwean government
has already taken the extraordinary step of allowing local prices
to be set in a range of currencies (including the rand, dollar and
pula). But the Zimbabwe dollar remains legal tender and the reserve
bank can continue to print these dollars for government to pay its
public servants, not least the army. If the rand becomes the official
currency, where will the Zimbabwean government get the rands to
pay its employees? In time, taxes will be paid in rands, but these
will not meet the current huge deficit of revenue versus spending.
Such a hole can be filled only if foreign aid is available. In the
absence of aid, SA would be called upon to supply the needed rands
or face possible unrest and the complete collapse of remaining public
services in its northern neighbour.
Adopting the rand can
therefore happen only once the other ingredients to end hyperinflation
are in place. First there must be political consensus on slashing
the deficit as well as ending the central bank-s ability to
fund future deficits. Only then will a nominal anchor be effective.
Most probably this should mean fixing the Zimbabwe dollar exchange
rate to the rand. Under such conditions, adopting the rand itself
will probably be no longer necessary.
* Dr Keeton
is in the department of economics and economic history at Rhodes
University.
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