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This article participates on the following special index pages:
Talks, dialogue, negotiations and GNU - Post June 2008 "elections" - Index of articles
Coming of the dry season
Alex Magaisa
October 24, 2008
http://www.newzimbabwe.com/pages/magaisa101.18938.html
They called
to say that the first rains had finally arrived. They said the weatherman
had promised yet more rains, as if he were the Rainmaker. They said
the minister predicted, yet again, that there would be a bumper
harvest. But there is no seed, no fertiliser. The villagers are
hungry.
There is nothing new
here, I thought. What about the politics, I asked. Well, they are
still talking, they replied.
By the time I put the
phone down, I wondered, whether this was yet another false promise;
that despite the rains, this could be, to use the title of Charles
Mungoshi's haunting collection of short stories, the coming of another
dry season.
Optimism
and pessimism
I have seen enough in
my years to understand that you are either of two kinds of people.
There is a breed that
is highly optimistic -- a type that tries very hard to find goodness
in other humans. This type sometimes ends up believing its own wishes
and dreams far though they might be, removed from reality.
They believe that every
human has a 'core of goodness' - something that if you search harder
and more patiently, can be rescued and nurtured for the greater
good. Often this type meets with great disappointment when, and
it's usually the case, their dreams are dashed.
Then there is another
breed that is cautious to the point of pessimism. These ones are
more sceptical. They know the human is inherently incapable of being
trusted so they take everything with a pinch of salt.
This type does not allow
its dreams to stand for reality. It is the pessimistic type; pessimism
itself being useful insurance cover against the likely spectre of
disappointment.
Yet, this too is a privileged
lot, because when they are proven wrong; when things do actually
work contrary to the pessimistic view, they are nevertheless pleased.
They win both ways. They say, 'we told you so' when things fail
but smile with contrived surprise when things do work.
Sadly, I do not belong
to the second group. Unfortunately, try though I do, to be cautious
and pessimistic, the eternal optimist in me always triumphs. It
is a great weakness, I admit, because often I, like others of my
ilk, are disappointed. It is a weakness because we should learn
to be more sceptical.
On this single
occasion though, whilst it was hard to suppress the feeling of optimism,
it was, quite rightly qualified with caution. I was therefore 'cautiously
optimistic' when the political protagonists in Zimbabwe signed the
September 15 Agreement.
There had been too many
bitter fights between the protagonists and the text of the Agreement
itself was fairly messy. But even then, I thought that despite the
technical shortcomings, the signatories could do well to abide by
and uphold the 'spirit and principles' of the accord.
Here I was, hoping for
that 'core of goodness' in humans to triumph. I genuinely hoped
they would but I was wrong to think they could actually do it.
As events since September
15 have shown, there is an apparent paucity of respect, trust and
confidence between the parties. It is difficult to envisage a proper
working relationship under the proposed structures.
There is a wrong assumption
that once the cabinet allocations have been 'agreed', everything
else will fall into place. The reality is that whatever happens
on October 27 when they meet with the SADC Troika, the gap in trust
and confidence is likely to remain.
Creativity
for a special problem
But it's not all doom
and gloom. Time has come for more creativity in dealing with the
preliminary problem of government structure. The structure of government
or indeed its composition is not an end in itself. The politicians
must ask themselves: What are we trying to achieve in government?
Clearly, there are problems that need resolution - that must be
the priority.
This question calls for
robust policy considerations, as opposed to the identity of persons
at the helm of ministries. After all, the idea of collective responsibility
essentially means that all ministers are responsible for the decisions
taken by cabinet, whether or not they agree with them.
As noted before in this
column, the September Agreement has a rather odd requirement that
cabinet decisions must be taken by 'consensus'. This means everyone
in cabinet must agree. This will be hard to achieve given the painful
birth of the new government. It almost makes nonsense of the current
fight for specific portfolios.
It seems to me that the
matter of governmental structure calls for some innovation on the
part of negotiators. A basic problem of the current approach is
that they are trying to fit within the traditional ministerial model
of government something that is not easily amenable to that model.
Having gone to such great lengths to devise a pact that is an extraordinary
solution to an unusual problem, you would think that it's logical
to extend the innovation further to the manner in which government
is structured.
The
policy perspective
It can't be too late
to try out other mechanisms of resolving the conflict by framing
the question from a policy perspective. This would entail identifying
the key policy areas, perhaps focussing on problematic areas in
today's environment: economic policy; health and social welfare;
Legal and Constitutional Reform; Internal (Home) Affairs; External
(Foreign) Affairs; National Security Affairs; Education; Food and
Agricultural Affairs; etc.
A modest idea might be,
instead of resorting to the traditional ministerial model, to constitute
special joint executive committees comprising representatives of
each party - with the responsibility to drive the agreed policies
appertaining to each special area.
The issue ceases to be
about a party 'controlling' a particular ministry but a joint body
specially constituted according to each policy area. What our politicians
should be spending their time on right now is not the identity of
the ministers as such but the priority policy areas and how they
hope to approach them in government.
This model of joint authority
and responsibility of the special executive committees could also
augur well for the principles and rules under the Agreement. Consensus
must be built through a system that allows for a high level of collegiality
between the responsible ministers.
A model where the representatives
of each party work together in specially appointed committees is
more likely to be conducive for the growth of good team ethics,
cross-party relations and also minimise the points of conflict.
Are
relations really that bad?
Much is made of the bad
relations between the MDCs and Zanu PF at an organisational level
or perhaps the leadership level when you consider the relationship
between Mugabe and Tsvangirai.
I do believe, however,
that outside the political rhetoric, ordinary people might be surprised
that politicians on either side actually do have personal relationships
which can facilitate a working relationship. They borrow money from
each other; they are related in one way or another - through marriage,
sharing totems, where they come from, they went to school together,
etc.
You just have to consider
the reported relationship between Theresa Makone of the MDC, reportedly
close to the Tsvangirais, and Jocelyn Chiwenga, wife of the Army
Commander who has had her own fair share of battles with Tsvangirai.
Or that the new Speaker, Lovemore Moyo, is related by marriage to
Zanu PF's Sithembiso Nyoni.
Impecunious MDC MPS have
been said to borrow money from their more wealthy Zanu PF counterparts.
There could in fact be many more such finer relationships. The clashes
do indeed exist, but like in every other sphere of life, it is not
impossible to find extra threads that can bind people together,
beyond the politics of the day.
In my opinion, having
haggled over the cabinet posts to fit within the traditional ministerial
model, it might be worth the effort to be more creative. I only
offered a modest proposal here. It is flawed and needs better consideration.
But the basic idea is not about my proposal; it is that it might
do us some good to think 'outside the box', forgive the use of another
tired cliché. It's a bleak situation and I fear it could
be another 'dry season' in the offing.
*Alex Magaisa
is based at Kent Law School, The University of Kent. He can be contacted
at wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk
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