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A country kept in the dark
Moses Mudzwiti, The Times (SA)
August 26, 2008

http://www.thetimes.co.za/Entertainment/Article.aspx?id=829716

When there is an electricity blackout, everything stops. No lights, no water, no telephone, no petrol and no news. This is the situation in Zimbabwe. Stuck in this jumbled existence, it is hard to make any sense of anything at all. No one here seems too bothered about the make-or-break power-sharing talks between President Robert Mugabe and the two factions of the Movement for Democratic Change. Ordinary people are too busy hustling for their next meal to expend any energy on finding out any latest developments. Besides, newspapers are too expensive while radio and television are, by any standards, hardly credible sources of information. Television might as well have died long ago. The state owns the broadcasting rights over Zimbabwe-s single television channel. Without any competition, the sole provider can subject its long-suffering viewers to endless history lessons on how the country was colonized by the British more than a century ago. In between the lessons, there are repeats of Korean soap operas, complete with subtitles. This, as well as a combination of factors including incompetent media practitioners, overpriced news products and unreliable electricity supplies, has conspired to keep Zimbabweans ill-informed about their country and the world around them.

If by some fluke electricity is available and you turn on the radio, more often than not, a less than impressive radio jock will mumble something about "crossing over to the news". The enduring local news jingle of beating drums comes alive, followed by the voice of Mugabe declaring: "We stand by our people. Their votes on June 27 can never be rejected." He then goes on to thank Zimbabweans for the "faith they have reposed" in him. Then the radio goes dead quiet. A few minutes later, the DJ proudly announces "That was the news." No one seems to take notice of such glitches. And conspiracy theorists could be forgiven for suspecting that the frequent blackouts are simply a government ploy to hide information from the public. But incompetence is largely to blame for the sub-standard broadcasting. The state broadcaster rises to the occasion only when Mugabe makes a live address. Perhaps it is fear of arrest that ensures that it performs for the octogenarian. Journalists employed by the state media have learnt how to survive. If they want to stay employed they know they have to sing the government-s praises all day long. Some citizens have adopted the government-s hostility towards the West, which they frequently accuse of imposing crippling sanctions.

A local singer who was taking part in an all-night Heroes- Day bash earlier this month took the anti-West rhetoric a step further. The singer changed the word "British" to " . . . . . . " in a song ridiculing the former prime minister Tony Blair. "The only Blair I knew was a toilet," sang the young man, much to the obvious amusement of his audience. It is hard to find anyone genuinely interested in radio and television news bulletins. Nevertheless, the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) dutifully continues to churn out its pro-government bulletins. Little wonder fed up consumers have renamed the propaganda machine "The Dead BC". All other state media make it their business to fight against what they call the "regime-change agenda". They devote a lot of time and space to criticising the opposition, especially the MDC, led by Morgan Tsvangirai. "I don-t watch ZBC television," Tsvangirai revealed last month on the night he signed the memorandum of understanding that paved the way for the power-sharing talks. Since siding with Mugabe, MDC splinter-group leader Arthur Mutambara has enjoyed positive publicity on radio, television and in the state-owned newspapers, the Zimbabwe Herald and the Sunday Mail. Privately owned newspapers like the Financial Gazette, the Zimbabwean and the Standard are more sympathetic towards the opposition. But they are priced well beyond the reach of those who need the information the most. Though DStv beams into Zimbabwe, ordinary people are left with no choice but to rely on rumours.

Joining a queue for scarce items usually turns out to be a good way of keeping abreast with the goings-on. The recent power-sharing talks were a good example of street news editing. On Monday morning, a few nervous glances up and down a long queue at Standard Bank in Harare was the cue for someone to break the latest news. A nervous character told people around him that talks had stalled in Johannesburg. "Chematama [the one with chubby cheeks] still refuses to sign," announced the self- styled news reporter. Everyone within earshot immediately knew that Tsvangirai had opted out. The banking hall was stunned into silence. Some people starred at their news "source" in disbelief. He instinctively raised his hand to make sure his doubters could see his cellphone. "I got an SMS from South Africa," he said. It was enough to convince his listeners. If the noose around the media is tightened any further, word-of-mouth reporters could lose their front teeth and have their mouths padlocked. Perhaps the lack of information accounts for the surprising lack of angst among Zimbabweans living on a political knife edge.

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