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This article participates on the following special index pages:
Talks, dialogue, negotiations and GNU - Post June 2008 "elections" - Index of articles
SADC proves it clearly lacks leadership
Tendai Dumbutshena,
The Zimbabwe Times
August 19, 2008
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=2833
Bravo Botswana! The 13
leaders who gathered for the SADC summit in Johannesburg last weekend
tried to put on a brave face but were visibly uneasy and embarrassed.
The absence of Botswana's President Ian Khama exposed them for what
they are - spineless and morally bankrupt nonentities. They could
not argue against the reasons for Botswana's boycott. The government
in Gaborone - ironically the headquarters of SADC- reminded the
regional body of its protocols on good governance. There is one
on the conduct of elections in the region which clearly spells out
what is expected. Khama's boycott was a reminder to his counterparts
that they did not take this protocol seriously. That it could be
brutally violated with impunity.
Observers from
all SADC countries were sent to monitor both the March 29 elections
and June 27 presidential run-off in Zimbabwe. Their verdict was
unanimous and unambiguous. All conditions for a free and fair election
in the run-off were not met. Furthermore, the state was responsible
for savage violence against the opposition to the point that Robert
Mugabe's only opponent Morgan Tsvangirai had to withdraw
from the race to save lives. Based on the reports of SADC observers
and its own citizens the Botswana government concluded that the
outcome of the run-off did not reflect the true will of the people
of Zimbabwe. It could therefore not accept Mugabe as a legitimately
elected president of Zimbabwe. Gaborone made it clear that its president
would boycott the SADC summit if Mugabe were invited as head of
state.
There was hope that others
would follow Botswana's bold and principled position. Fat chance.
Other leaders maintained an embarrassed silence in the hope that
the problem would simply go away. Lacking moral courage and principles
they hid behind the African Union's call for a government of national
unity. The region's official mediator, South Africa's President
Thabo Mbeki saw in the AU resolution an opportunity to legitimize
and prolong Mugabe's rule. He frantically tried to bulldoze an agreement
that would produce an essentially Zanu-PF government led by Mugabe
with some MDC ministers. Mindful of the fact that it was impossible
to confer legitimacy on Mugabe on the basis of the run-off he thought
the best way was through a Mugabe led GNU endorsed by the MDC. He
wanted the deal signed before the summit so that the awkward issue
of Mugabe's legitimacy would fall away.
The SADC leaders
should have convened an emergency summit soon after the run-off
to tell Mugabe that they did not recognize its outcome. Mbeki would
then have carried on with his mediation on a clear understanding
that SADC did not recognize Mugabe as president of Zimbabwe. The
Zimbabwean leader would have been more amenable to compromise had
SADC taken such a principled stand. But knowing his peers well Mugabe
realised that they would cave in. They did not have the backbone
to insist on a strict adherence to their own protocols. It was easier
to just let Mugabe take his seat at the high table.
At least this time they
did not like imbeciles applaud when he walked into the summit room.
To salve their consciences they tried to bully Tsvangirai into signing
a document that would legitimize Mugabe's rule for five more years.
One of the tactics used to pressure Tsvangirai was to accuse him
of being controlled by Western powers. This is ironic coming from
leaders whose countries and governments are sustained by Western
donor money, as Mugabe himself pointed out no so long ago. To his
credit Tsvangirai stood firm and refused to append his signature
to a document crafted to serve Mugabe's interests.
Outside the summit hundreds
of demonstrators made their voices heard on the dictatorships in
Zimbabwe and Swaziland. A petition for the leaders handed to the
SADC secretariat said in part that ordinary people were taking to
the streets because of an absence of political leadership in the
region. In other words people have lost faith in a regional leadership
that places a premium on friendship and solidarity among ruling
elites above their welfare.
It has repeatedly
been argued in this column that there are too many dictators in
Africa for the continent and its regional bodies to take principled
positions on issues of human rights and good governance. In SADC
a troika of nations is tasked with responsibility for political,
defence and security matters. It currently comprises Tanzania, Angola,
and Swaziland with the latter being chair. How can Angola and Swaziland
pronounce on issues pertaining to human rights and democracy? How
can they stand in judgement of Mugabe?
Since independence
in 1975 Angola had only one election in 1976, and a dubious one
at that. President Eduardo dos Santos would not recognize a ballot
paper if it hit him in the face. The Swazi monarch, King Mswati
III presides over a feudal regime that treats its citizens like
serfs. How can they stand in judgement of Mugabe? At the moment
both dos Santos and Mswati are custodians of the region's putative
commitment to democracy. Until Africa takes issues of human rights
and democracy seriously it will not be able to deal effectively
with rogue regimes like Mugabe's.
The SADC summit declared
the region a free trade zone. Normally this would have been a momentous
occasion celebrated by all its peoples. Instead it was a damp squib.
The inability of SADC to deal with Zimbabwe cast a shadow over all
other issues. People in the region do not believe the free zone
declaration will have any bearing on their lives. Spineless and
unprincipled leadership breeds cynicism and pessimism. All they
see are self-serving leaders obsessed with protecting one another
like the endangered species that they are.
Mbeki is regarded as
the architect of the New Economic Partnership for Africa's Development
(NEPAD) which recognizes a direct causal link between good governance
and economic prosperity. African leaders undertook to promote good
clean governance in exchange for economic partnership with developed
nations. Principles have a habit of being put to the test. When
confronted with the Zimbabwe crisis at the heart of which are issues
of governance and human rights, SADC failed. Their commitment to
these principles disintegrated. Old habits and instincts took over.
Their comrade, Mugabe, had to be protected. In so doing they dimmed
the hopes not only of Zimbabweans but all peoples in the region.
Only Khama offered a ray of hope.
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