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Catholicism
and Mugabe
Steve Kibble, New Statesman
July 04, 2008
http://www.newstatesman.com/africa/2008/07/mugabe-churches-leaders
Robert Mugabe of the
African nation has a serious dilemma on his hands, despite having
declared himself the winner of last Friday-s so-called 'vote-.
Desperate to legitimise his presidency, it seems he will stop at
little.
Yet, as a supposedly
practicing Catholic in a deeply religious country Mugabe might want
to think twice before unleashing the full force of his campaign
of violence on those he sees as his enemies within the Church. Because
if he does, he could lay up serious additional trouble for his ZANU-PF
regime.
Twenty-eight years in
power have slowly eroded Mugabe-s once reasonably healthy
relationship with the core denominations of the Zimbabwe churches.
Though supported to varying degrees by the Catholics, Anglicans
and Evangelicals when he swept to power in 1980 - the Churches
were as eager as anyone to see the end of the illegal Smith regime
- Mugabe has slowly burnt his bridges.
Historically, the Zimbabwe
churches, particularly the leaderships, have been largely quiet
on Mugabe-s increasingly authoritarian rule. In the nineties,
some in the church were concerned about increasing corruption and
authoritarianism; yet found it difficult to break from support of
the liberation movement to directly accuse ZANU-PF of being at the
root of the country-s deepening troubles. There were also
major problems for churches as they sought to devote themselves
to the pastoral and theological struggle against HIV and AIDS. From
the early 2000s there were also ever-greater numbers of people requiring
food aid and humanitarian assistance.
Equally, by
the early 2000s the lower ranks of the clergy had begun to organize
themselves cross-denominationally to voice their opposition to increasing
ZANU-PF demonisation of and attacks on any group that opposed it.
After a stolen election in 2005, the churches also faced the fallout
from 'Operation
Murambatsvina-. Though ostensibly an attempt to push illegal
slum dwellers out of Harare, scores of innocent civilians were attacked
and arrested and had their houses destroyed, forcing them to seek
shelter in churches from where police often chased them out. From
this point on there was increasing concern from church leaders,
although most of them saw their role as one of attempting to bring
reconciliation rather than openly lead opposition to the government
and its actions.
After a number
of pastoral statements calling for an end to violence and poverty,
but not apportioning blame, a turning point came in April 2007 when
the Catholic Bishops-
Conference issued a statement. "God Hears the Cry of the
Oppressed" squarely blamed the Mugabe government for spiraling
inflation, rampant food shortages and widespread intimidation. The
ZANU-PF response? Use of its youth militias to stop the pastoral
letter being read out to congregations, threats against the clergy,
and a successful campaign to remove leading ZANU-PF critic Pius
Ncube, the Catholic Archbishop of Bulawayo.
Mugabe-s regime
now looks to have lost the support of most of the churches, bar
those who are supporters or beneficiaries of land and other gifts.
In a country where around 90 per cent subscribe to a faith and 62
per cent attend Christian churches, Mugabe-s next steps will
be critical. And they will be closely scrutinized across the region
and the world.
The church could now
be Mugabe-s ultimate challenge. Although violence against
church groups is on the increase - members of the Zimbabwe
Christian Alliance were recently arrested and detained for questioning
in Harare - and although Mugabe has sanctioned attacks on
every other sector, he may yet prove reluctant to unleash a full-blown
campaign of intimidation against the churches per se.
Mugabe is already under
fire from fellow regional leaders for the violence surrounding the
electoral run-off. Coupled with last week-s unprecedented
UN security council statement condemning government-led violence,
any direct attacks on the church would see Mugabe shunned by his
fellow southern African leaders, who are all nominally Christian.
Given that Mugabe was refused an audience with the Pope on a recent
visit to the FAO in Rome, he might not wish to invite further censure
from the Vatican. This gives the churches significantly more space
than others to stand up for the political, economic and social rights
of their flocks.
So what option do church
leaders now have? As the dust settles after Friday-s vote,
they may well be tempted by the option of carrying on 'as
normal-, but for how long would that be possible as inflation
hits 4 million per cent, xenophobia rises in neighboring states,
the economy collapses further and up to five million people require
food aid? They may still denounce the illegitimacy of the result
and call for an internationally or regionally supervised re-run
and perhaps African peacekeepers. Or will they finally stick their
necks out and say no to direct attacks on the church, including
reports of parishioners being pulled from the altar and beaten up?
Will Zimbabwean churches
now follow the example set by South African church leaders in the
last years of apartheid and lead a campaign of non-violent resistance,
albeit reluctantly? Undoubtedly they would prefer it if regional
leaders were able to help find a solution, but time is running out
for a peaceful end to the crisis.
Mugabe says only God
can remove him from power. But it looks increasingly possible that
the people of God will take the first concrete steps to help him
on his way.
*Steve Kibble
is Advocacy Coordinator for Africa at Catholic advocacy and development
agency Progressio
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