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On
a continent where despotism is rife, few leaders willing to cast
a stone at Mugabe
The Associated Press
July 04, 2008
http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2008/07/04/africa/AF-ANL-Africas-Silence.php
Nigeria. Rwanda. Uganda.
Ethiopia. Gabon. The list of candidates for the title "least
democratic in Africa" is not confined to Zimbabwe.
While Robert Mugabe has
been singled out for condemnation, leaders of other autocratic states
have largely been able to avoid sanctions and isolation. Many have
friends in Western capitals. Or play a strategic role in the war
on terror. Or sit on oil.
With corrupt and authoritarian
governments close to the norm on the continent, it is not surprising
that African leaders urged by the West to censure Mugabe at a summit
this week instead welcomed him with hugs.
As Mugabe himself has
asked: How many African leaders can point a clean finger at him?
How many held a better election than his one-man runoff that followed
a campaign of terror?
Many African leaders
appear to harbor a secret admiration for Mugabe as a man who can
thumb his nose at the West and point out its perceived hypocrisies,
like the Bush administration's appeals for human rights in Zimbabwe
while running the Guantanamo Bay prisoner camp.
"We Africans should
learn a lesson from this," Gambian President Yahya Jammeh said
in praising Mugabe's election last week. "They (the West) think
they can dictate to us and this is not acceptable. Africans should
stand for Zimbabwe. After all, what did the West do for Africa?"
said Jammeh, a former army colonel who seized power in a 1994 coup.
It's easy to forget that
just a decade ago, much of Africa was gripped by hope as a wave
of democracy swept the continent.
It began with the extraordinary
sight of protesters in the West African state of Benin taking hammers
to a statue of Lenin. Within three years, 26 countries had held
multiparty presidential elections on a continent known for one-man
rule. When elections in South Africa ended white minority rule in
1994, there was not one single-party state left in sub-Saharan Africa.
Western nations tied aid to free elections and severed ties with
dictators they had supported in the name of the fight against communism.
But that decade of optimism,
backed by theories that opening up socialist economies to the free
market would help pull Africa out of poverty, has come to an end
and the democracy movement has stalled.
Today, more than half
of Africa is ruled by despots, including many offering the illusion
of democracy with elections like those Mugabe held.
Rights activists put
much of the blame on the West.
"It seems Washington
and European governments will accept even the most dubious election
so long as the 'victor' is a strategic or commercial ally,"
Kenneth Roth, executive director of New York-based Human Rights
Watch, said in a recent report.
Among countries he singled
out as sham democracies were oil-rich Chad and Nigeria; Uganda,
whose President Yoweri Museveni's friendship with U.S. President
George W. Bush has shielded him from criticism; and Ethiopia, the
strategically located Horn of Africa nation that is a major U.S.
ally in the war on terrorism.
Other oil producers that
have managed to avoid international condemnation include Angola,
which hasn't held a presidential election since 1992, and Gabon,
whose President Omar Bongo seized power in a 1967 coup and who is
the continent's longest-serving leader.
"Countries that
have made a point of overtly aligning themselves with U.S. narratives
and policies regarding terrorism appear to have benefited not only
from financial and military support but seem successfully to have
diverted attention away from their internal poor governance and
human rights abuse," said Akwe Amosu, senior analyst at Washington's
Open Society Institute.
Much of the West's focus
on Zimbabwe is tied up in the sadness of seeing one of Africa's
great success stories fall apart so completely.
When Mugabe led Zimbabwe
to independence, the country already had developed industries and
an agricultural base that made it near self-sufficient because of
years of U.N. sanctions imposed over the white supremacist regime
of Ian Smith.
Mugabe abandoned his
guerrilla movement's policies of "scientific socialism"
that involved nationalizing industries and land, encouraging a fairly
free economy that grew and allowed him to make major investments
in education and health care.
Zimbabwe blossomed and
became a showcase for the continent and was seen as an example to
then white-ruled South Africa of an economic and multiracial success
created by a black man. But the world's high hopes were short-lived.
In 2000, Mugabe began
violently seizing white farmers' land out of revenge for their refusal
to support a referendum to consolidate his power. That led to the
collapse of the commercial farming sector that exported food to
neighbors.
Zimbabwe's economic meltdown
has left a third of Zimbabweans hungry and caused inflation to run
at a mind-boggling 4 million percent.
But while Mugabe has
presided over this catastrophe, he continues to cast a spell over
many of his fellow African leaders.
Zimbabwe is
"the single greatest challenge ... in southern Africa, not
only because of its terrible humanitarian consequences but also
because of the dangerous political precedent it sets," said
U.N. deputy Secretary-General Asha-Rose Migiro, Tanzania's former
foreign minister.
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