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This article participates on the following special index pages:
2008 harmonised elections - Index of articles
How
a continent missed its moment
Michela
Wrong, New Statesman
July 03, 2008
http://www.newstatesman.com/africa/2008/07/wrong-african-mugabe-continent
Mbeki's grand project
has been sabotaged by his inability to view events on the continent
outside a narrow racial prism
As the UN, EU, US and
Britain all piled in to cajole or browbeat the African Union into
Doing the Right Thing over Zimbabwe at the Red Sea resort of Sharm
el Sheikh, I experienced a sudden déjà vu.
There was another
occasion when commentators informed us that Africa's leaders had
finally lost patience with Robert Mugabe and were about to rap him
across the knuckles. That would be the August 2007 meeting of the
Southern African Development Community - at which Mugabe's entrance
triggered a standing ovation. Funny how we keep getting it wrong.
As this column was going
to press, the AU had eventually decided to press for "a government
of national unity". A call for dialogue between Mugabe and
Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC is perfectly unobjectionable but Zanu-PF
and the MDC have been negotiating for years without any noticeable
dilution of Mugabe's powers, and the sheer viciousness of the election
was an unlikely harbinger of trust and compromise.
The AU had,
in any case, already missed its moment. The time for Mugabe's African
brothers to speak forcefully was in March, when Tsvangirai won the
first round of the election and officials sat on the results for
five weeks. Their silence, urged on them by South Africa's president,
Thabo Mbeki, encouraged Mugabe to wage a rearguard action. Zimbabweans
paid a bloody price.
But what did the international
community really expect of the AU? Any organisation that includes
among its elder statesmen Egypt's Hosni Mubarak (27 years at the
helm), Gabon's Omar Bongo (41 years) and Equatorial Guinea's Teodoro
Obiang (a modest 29) will have problems lecturing members on the
merits of democracy, as Mugabe himself pointed out. Exactly which
recent elections could they have held up as models? Kenya's? Nigeria's?
Ethiopia's?
Then there's the mindset.
The Organisation of African Unity, dubbed "the dictators' club",
was consigned to history back in 2002, its members' knee-jerk tendency
to attribute their woes exclusively to colonialism, apartheid and
Cold War interference supposedly buried with the title. Thanks to
a generation of progressive "Renaissance" leaders, announced
Mbeki, an invigorated institution would in future deliver "African
solutions to African problems".
The continent would still
need western financial and technical help, of course, but the world
should no longer assume Africa was incapable of policing itself.
A key ingredient would be the African Peer Review Mechanism, which
catered for governments to be assessed frankly by their counterparts.
Six years on, Uganda's Yoweri Museveni, Eritrea's Isaias Afewerki
and Ethiopia's Meles Zenawi no longer look like enlightened Renaissance
leaders. Or rather, theirs is the Renaissance of the Borgias and
Machiavelli, not that of the Medicis and Galileo.
On the policing front,
it is true that Nelson Mandela managed to negotiate a peace deal
between rebels and the government in Burundi, and that an AU force
successfully snuffed out a separatist movement in the Comoro Islands.
But it took a British military operation to stop civil war in Sierra
Leone and Somalia. AU forces have proved little more than token
presences, short of equipment, manpower and political backing.
During Kenya's election
crisis in December, what was striking was the ruling party's open
contempt for Archbishop Desmond Tutu and Ghana's president, John
Kufuor, two eminent Africans who flew in to mediate. It was only
when the British and US governments told President Mwai Kibaki that
travel bans had been drawn up and asset freezes were being prepared
that it stepped back from the brink.
Zimbabwe tops the list
of failures. The classic explanations for African leaders' long
indulgence of Mugabe - respect for an elder and former liberation
guerrilla, irritation at being lectured by the west, a preference
for quiet diplomacy - lost most of their force in the dreadful run-up
to the second poll. The facelift has slipped, leaving the AU today
bearing a depressing resemblance to its predecessor.
Mbeki's grand project
has been sabotaged by his inability to view events on the continent
outside a narrow racial prism, and by his refusal, having publicly
adopted a position, to be seen to backtrack.
As the South African
president was the man who first championed the notion of "African
solutions to African problems" with such passion, it is fitting
he should now bear the blame for discrediting it in the eyes of
the world.
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