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This article participates on the following special index pages:
2008 harmonised elections - Index of articles
Post-election violence 2008 - Index of articles & images
We
will reject a GNU rooted in genocide: The case for free and fair
elections
Arthur G.O. Mutambara
June 19, 2008
http://www.swradioafrica.com/pages/mutam190608.htm
Introduction
Robert Mugabe-s political strategy in Zimbabwe is very clear.
He wants to win the presidential run-off on the 27th of June 2008
by any means necessary, and at any cost. The brutality of the methods
and tactics being employed has been extensively documented. The
key elements include political violence, intimidation of opponents,
displacement of voters, elimination and harassment of polling agents
and party campaigners, and arbitrary arrests and incarceration of
political leaders. There is electoral cleansing taking place in
Zimbabwe. Opposition activists, members of civic society and ordinary
citizens have bourne the terrible brunt of this brutality.
Demystifying
the Mugabe strategy
After winning the run-off, Mugabe will not only control the Presidency,
but the Senate as well. According to Section 33 of the Zimbabwean
Constitution
the institution of Parliament consists of two structures, the Senate
and the House of Assembly. The two MDC formations working together
hold the majority in the House of Assembly with 109 seats versus
97 belonging to ZANU-PF, which is now the new opposition. In the
Senate, the combined MDC strength is equal to that of ZANU-PF at
30 seats each. Hence, of the total 270 elected seats in both the
House of Assembly and Senate, the two MDC formations have a 12-seat
majority over ZANU-PF. In this regard, they hold claim to the moral
authority of representing the will of the people.
However, in addition
to the 60 elected Senators, the Zimbabwean constitution gives the
person elected as President the power to appoint up to 33 members
of the Senate: 10 Provincial Governors, 18 Chiefs, and 5 extra Senators.
It is clear therefore that the balance of power in the combined
parliamentary institution consisting of the Senate and the House
of Assembly depends on who is elected as President. If Mugabe wins,
ZANU-PF will overturn MDC-s elected majority. In addition
to controlling the Presidency, ZANU-PF will effectively control
the Senate with 63 legislators against the combined MDC strength
of 30. The ZANU-PF majority of 33 in the Senate will wipe out the
MDC-s majority of 12 in the House of Assembly. This is why
Mugabe is obsessed with winning this presidential run-off come hell,
come sunshine.
From this position of
strength, ZANU-PF and Mugabe will then want to engage the opposition
as weak junior partners, even though the MDC collectively enjoys
majority support of the electorate. They will not negotiate now,
before the run-off, because they are in a much weaker position.
They lost their parliamentary majority and Mugabe came second in
the 29th March 2008 harmonized elections. The bargaining power obtained
from winning the run-off is so critical to them. With this victory,
they might even dangle a Mugabe departure, where his successor from
ZANU-PF is elected national President by a joint sitting of the
House of Assembly and Senate in which they will have a majority
of 21. The Mugabe exit will be meant to pacify those in the international
community who view Mugabe as the symbol and personification of the
Zimbabwean crisis. This is the ZANU-PF political strategy. The parliamentary
succession is provided for by Amendment 18 to the Zimbabwean Constitution.
This is why individuals who are keen to succeed Mugabe through this
arrangement are orchestrating his violent re-election. While they
are trying to protect themselves from prosecution for corruption,
human rights violations and crimes against humanity, they are also
driven by unbridled ambition and self-interest. Unfortunately they
are compounding their risk as they pursue the retention of power
at any cost.
Envisaging
the way forward
It
is abundantly clear that there are efforts to steal the Presidential
run-off by any means necessary. Mugabe has already threatened war
in the event of his electoral defeat. The challenge is what are
we going to do if Mugabe and ZANU-PF impose themselves on the people
of Zimbabwe? What is the appropriate response to the ZANU-PF strategy
by Zimbabweans, Africans and the international community? If Mugabe,
whom we charge with committing violations of human rights in pursuit
of political power, cannot ensure a free and fair election, SADC,
AU and the international community must hold him accountable. The
winner of an unfair and unfree election must be under no illusions
with respect to the implications of such criminal conduct. Those
that govern must do so with the consent of the governed. The will
of the people must be sovereign. Consequently, the victor in a fraudulent
vote will neither have the legitimacy to govern, nor receive recognition
internally or externally. There should be neither recognition nor
support from SADC, AU and the international community for such a
criminal and failed State. More importantly we, as the Zimbabwean
opposition, will not recognize a national leadership produced by
a fraudulent process. We will not enter into any negotiations with
such an illegal regime. There will be absolutely no compromise,
retreat or surrender on this position. No one should force the Zimbabwean
political parties, who won a majority of the votes in the 29th March
2008 elections, into negotiations with an illegitimate ruler. We
hope that Mbeki and other African leaders are listening carefully
and understand our disposition clearly. We mean what we are saying,
and we will walk the talk.
SADC, AU and the international
community should not even contemplate coming to us after the almost
certain fraud on the 27th of June 2008. There will be no engagement
with an illegal government. We will not give legitimacy and dignity
to the illegal regime by seeking an accommodation with them. They
will run the country on their own. They will have to salvage the
collapsed economy on their own. Zimbabweans will not accept a government
of national unity (GNU) rooted in illegitimacy and accomplished
through genocide. The international community, AU, SADC and SA must
understand this without equivocation or ambiguity. The Zimbabwean
opposition will never be part of such a shameless betrayal of values
and principles. What we believe in is an inclusive government based
on a free and fair poll. Nothing else is acceptable. If Mugabe wins
a free and fair election we will congratulate him, recognize his
regime and work with it in pursuit of the national interest.
We are all witnessing
the corruption and manipulation of the democratic processes in Zimbabwe
while we sit passively. Now is the time to act and not after the
fraudulent outcome. All factors considered, canceling the run-off
is no longer a practical or realistic option. There must now be
increased efforts to ensure that the election on the 27th of June
2008 is as close to freeness and fairness as possible. This is now
almost impossible, but we must not give up. The struggle must continue.
The objective should be to establish and guarantee some integrity
and fidelity of the entire electoral value chain; from the campaign
activities, voting and counting processes, the announcement of the
results, and the installation of the victor. There must be freedom
of assembly, association and expression. All political detainees
must be freed, and unfettered access to the State media ensured.
Measures must be put in place immediately to stop all politically
motivated violence. An inter-party liaison committee assisted by
SADC must be speedily deployed to attend to all claims of violence,
while an SADC or UN peace-keeping force is urgently needed to help
put down the attacks. The election is ward based, hence when voters
are moved away from their home areas they cannot vote. Consequently,
the displacements of persons must be immediately stopped and reversed.
All displaced people must be assisted back to their wards by SADC.
Those that have had their identity documents seized must have them
replaced. External election observers should have arrived in Zimbabwe
on the 1st of June. There must be at least 9000+ observers for the
9000+ polling stations. The fact that we have a paltry 450+ observers
that arrived last week, and who spent their time holed up in a hotel
in Harare is a travesty of justice. What is wrong with these SADC
and AU leaders? The observers must stay in the constituencies and
wards over night to witness and deter acts of violence. The opposition
must have at least 18 000+ polling agents, i.e. at least two per
polling station. This requires planning, logistics, security and
resources.
While we appreciate the
SADC facilitated dialogue between the key protagonists in Zimbabwe,
it has become a meaningless farce. How do you negotiate when the
political leadership of the MDC is detained, harassed and intimidated?
How serious is Mugabe about the dialogue? The silence and lack of
effective action on the part of African leaders is despicable. No,
President Mbeki we are not impressed at all. For the doctrine of
African solutions to African problems to be meaningful and respected
there must be bold and proactive leadership by Africans. SADC, the
AU and the UN must clearly indicate and explain to the Mugabe regime
the consequences of a stolen election, as outlined above. The key
message should be that there will be neither recognition nor support.
There will be total isolation. This communication must be done both
privately and publicly. The personal liability, with respect to
national and international laws, of individuals who are directing
and executing the violence in Zimbabwe should be clearly articulated.
Conclusion
When
all is said and done, Zimbabweans shall be masters of their own
destiny. We cannot outsource the management of our public affairs
to foreigners. We must close ranks in this darkest hour. The pursuit
of a peaceful, prosperous and democratic Zimbabwe requires the involvement
and commitment of every citizen. The starting point is working together
to ensure that the outcome of the upcoming election is accepted
by all Zimbabweans, both winners and losers. Clarity about the meaning
of, and the response options to, a stolen election is imperative.
History will never absolve us if we equivocate and prevaricate.
The outside world can only help us help ourselves.
The Struggle Must Continue.
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