THE NGO NETWORK ALLIANCE PROJECT - an online community for Zimbabwean activists  
 View archive by sector
 
 
    HOME THE PROJECT DIRECTORYJOINARCHIVESEARCH E:ACTIVISMBLOGSMSFREEDOM FONELINKS CONTACT US
 

 


Back to Index

Church latest victim of Zimbabwean political cleansing
Margaret Zondo, Africa Files
June 13, 2008

http://www.africafiles.org/article.asp?ID=18249

When a public prayer meeting is banned by police on the grounds that it's subversive, you know something has gone badly awry. Violence and intimidation have been going on since the elections at the end of March and show no sign of tailing off. The Church leaders of the Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe (EFZ), the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops' Conference (ZCBC) and the Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC), expressed their deep concern over the deteriorating political, security, economic and human rights situation in Zimbabwe following the March 29, 2008 national elections.

Prior to this, an article by Maria Mackay in Christianity Today dated October 31 2006, states that Churches in Zimbabwe asked the country for forgiveness for their part in the current crisis, as they admitted that some of their own leaders had been "accomplices in some of the evils that have brought our nation to this condition."

Overwhelming evidence and eye witness reports from inside Zimbabwe would suggest that parts of some churches are still part of a calculated campaign by President Robert Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party to instill fear in the voters with the hope of persuading them to vote for Robert Mugabe in the June 27 2008 Presidential run-off.

Post-election violence rages on and so far the opposition claims that over 60 of its members mostly in the rural areas have been murdered, property destroyed and survivors driven out of their homes. This is an effective strategy by a desperate regime to influence the outcome of the June 27 2008 Presidential run-off pitting President Robert Mugabe against his major rival and leader of the main opposition, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), Morgan Tsvangirayi. President Mugabe himself admitted on June 13, 2008 that he is urging the nation to vote for him and that the people made a mistake by granting more votes on march 29th to Morgan Tsvangirayi, leader of the opposition.

The American Ambassador is quoted as saying the situation in Zimbabwe is like a war zone and that his brief detention by officials while he and other heads of diplomatic missions in Zimbabwe were investigating reports of violence will not deter them in letting the world know what Zimbabweans endure daily.

On the ground, some parts of the church, and much church leadership are showing defiance and resilience by remaining focused despite the hostile environment, division and repress ion. Moral and other support from the churches' regional and international partners has been overwhelming. It is Sunday morning but some once vibrant churches are empty in Zimbabwe. Instead, worshippers are resorting to home churches; and, as my Mom described it, "We do not need to be in a church to offer thanksgiving to God and to seek His spiritual guidance for our wounded and broken country and souls. Governments come and go but the church will always be there to offer sanctuary."

My Mom went on to explain that home churches provide vital moral and material support and act as a platform for sharing information about the many aspects of life in Zimbabwe. In fact politics is very much on the agenda when these worshippers meet. With the rampant food shortages though, some worshippers may be reluctant to open their home to fellow worshippers so everyone is required to contribute something for a meal according to their means.

Although religious gatherings are exempted from notification to the police in terms of the Public Order and Security Act (POSA), the church's leadership always requests police escort for such activities as processions. Lately these too have been banned with no reasons offered for barring them. There may be many risks associated with normal worship patterns. My aunt and other worshipers had the horrible experience of being raided and harassed by government intelligence operatives two months ago while attending a church service in Highfield, a historic township where the political journey for Robert Mugabe began.

The Church like every significant institution in Zimbabwe is split along political lines and for those perceived to be supporters of the opposition woe on them as they constantly face harassment and attacks from government militias, the Central Intelligence operatives and members of ZANU PF, the ruling party for the past 28 years. President Robert Mugabe's government has systematically closed all forms of democratic space including the freedom to worship. As the current Anglican Bishop of Harare, Sebastian Bakare, rightly put it, 'What is happening is a 'national scandal' adding, 'even Ian Smith (former Rhodesian leader) allowed us to worship.'

The Anglican Church has been the most affected by state-sponsored violence because of the staunch allegiance of Nolbert Kunonga the ousted Bishop of Harare to the ruling party and its land reform programme. As one pastor put it "Kunonga is an instrument of Zanu PF representing political cleansing in the church". Both Bakare and Kunonga have supporters among Anglican church members. There are 69 clergy in the Anglican Diocese of Harare and of these, 59 support Bishop Bakare while the remaining 10 all ordained by former Bishop Kunonga have remained defiant to church authority.

The St. Mary's Anglican Cathedral in the heart of downtown Zimbabwe is locked and access allowed only to parishioners linked to former bishop Kunonga. The courts are complicit in allowing him to illegally hold onto church property because he is a valued supporter of President Robert Mugabe and instrumental in causing chaos in the house of the Lord. Like his master, Nolbert Kunonga blames all the country's misfortunes on Britain and the opposition. Bishop Bakare has been labeled a member of the MDC working in cahoots with others to bring down the government of Robert Mugabe.

Political thuggery has not spared the church in Zimbabwe resulting in a traumatized flock afraid to proclaim its faith openly while simultaneously offering pastoral care to those infected and affected by HIV & AIDS, food insecurity, an inflation rate of over 1 000 000 % and a governance crisis.

Zimbabwe is a nation of Christians, and this is demonstrated by the manner in which citizens are peacefully creating ways to cope with the political, social and economic crisis of huge magnitude and an environment that is not conducive to the freedom of expression, association and speech. Churches in Zimbabwe and other notable faith-based organizations like Tearfund have been in the forefront of accompanying the traumatized population. The Presbyterian Church in Canada through the Canadian Food grains Bank has since 2006 contributed $55,000 towards food security in Zimbabwe. United Church of Canada has channeled its support through Christian Care.

Churches have until recently acted as a sanctuary for the poor, widows and marginalized sections of the population and a leader in delivering humanitarian support. Silencing the church is an effective weapon intended to force the besieged nation of Zimbabwe into submission. A case in point is the fall from grace of the outspoken and strongest critic of President Robert Mugabe, former Catholic Archbishop Pius Ncube, and a respected cleric who was considered the face of justice and human rights in the church. He confessed publicly and sought forgiveness on Easter Sunday for having been involved in an adulterous relationship with one of his parishioners.

It was the Zimbabwean central intelligence or the "men in dark glasses" that for months monitored his movements and shared some of the revealing images on state television. Pius remains at the Vatican undergoing counseling, but he can no longer comment on political events in Zimbabwe or go back to his former position of Archbishop. He becomes yet another casualty of a brutal regime which will stop at nothing to silence critics.

This incident has had a profound effect on the effectiveness of the church in Zimbabwe and provided ZANU PF with ammunition to accelerate its crackdown on any individual or a group of individuals perceived as standing in its way and most importantly, divert attention from the really urgent issues of human rights abuses, political cleansing and harassment of those with divergent views and perceived enemies of the state.

In speaking to one young member of the clergy it became apparent that the church in Zimbabwe is highly divided along political lines. This comes in the wake of allegations seven years ago of division along racial lines. The same divide and rule tactic employed by ZANU PF and the Rhodesian government of Ian Smith before them, has become an important part of the Zimbabwean culture. A divided church is less able to strengthen the spiritual well being of a nation. A strong comparison can be drawn with the divisions in the church and in society during the apartheid era in South Africa.

There still remain divergent views on the role of the church in responding to the escalating crisis in Zimbabwe although both Christians and non-Christians working with victims of violence and state repression agree that it should be providing leadership and guidance in the current crisis and that it should have a key role in promoting national healing and reconciliation in a post-Mugabe dispensation.

In short, the church is perceived as a moral guardian of society. In a speech at a meeting of the reformed church leaders from the Caribbean and North America in February 2008 in Georgetown, Guyana, the World Alliance of Reformed Churches (WARC) president, Clifton Kirkpatrick, said that the recent crisis in Kenya should serve as a stimulus for churches to be prophetic leaders in their communities. The church waited too long to be about ministries of integrity, justice and reconciliation. He went on to conclude that, if there is going to be a future for churches, they must take up prophetic leadership.

Zimbabwe's churches are no different from the Kenyan churches although an increase in political repression has led them to join hands with other organizations championing change and speak up. Prayers for Zimbabwe before, during and after the March harmonized elections made their way to the Internet and were circulated world-wide by concerned Zimbabweans and friends of Zimbabwe calling for peace and divine intervention.

The opposition has also used the church as a meeting place to escape from constant arrests and intimidation, but with the current onslaught on the churches this is no longer possible. A sizeable number of clergy have escaped and sought asylum - mostly in England and South Africa - while those that remain live in fear and cannot effectively lead their flock.

Conclusion
Although the church in Zimbabwe is at a crossroads and striving to exercise its role as the prophetic voice, the determination of Christians in Zimbabwe remains a source of hope and inspiration. Whatever the outcome on June 27, history will not be complete without mention of the trials and tribulations of the church in Zimbabwe. The church in the global north is urged to continue accompanying the church in Zimbabwe through this dark period in its history since we are members of one body of Christ.

Please credit www.kubatana.net if you make use of material from this website. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons License unless stated otherwise.

TOP