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This article participates on the following special index pages:
2008 harmonised elections - Index of articles
Between
a rock, and a soft place
Bev Clark
April 25, 2008
Peter, the barman at
an up market Harare restaurant, leans over the bar and reassures
me that he has been told by the leadership of the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) that they have a "secret plan". His reassurance
comes after I-ve grilled him about the MDC-s lack of
response to stolen elections and that Robert Mugabe will never give
up power through the ballot alone. But Peter, who a stocky and very
articulate barman by day, and an MDC cadre by night, has been to
several MDC rallies where Morgan Tsvangirai has confidently assured
his followers that this time, change is inevitable.
This was four weeks ago.
My conversation with Peter was quite different last night as we
both glumly shook our heads over this election, which everyone is
calling a farce. When I asked him if he ever got to know what the
MDC-s "secret plan" was to mitigate a stolen election,
he shook his head slowly saying "we have been abandoned".
That indeed is the feeling
of most Zimbabweans as we try to make sense of the events of the
last few weeks.
In those heady three
days after the election when the MDC audaciously claimed victory,
the collective Zimbabwean spirit soared and our optimism overtook
us. The streets were awash with euphoria; finally change is here.
Or so we thought.
But instead of capitalizing
on a shell-shocked Zanu PF thrown into disarray on discovering just
how unpopular they really are, the MDC went into five star hotel
press conference mode, distancing themselves from their supporters
and letting Mugabe and his cabal gather their thoughts and their
tactics.
Zanu PF has tied the
MDC up in legal knots and has drawn out the announcement of the
presidential result for so long that both the MDC leadership and
the people of Zimbabwe have become anaesthetized.
There are pockets of
people, institutions, civic organizations and donor agencies that
are blindly loyal to the MDC, forgiving all their shortcomings simply
because they represent something other than Mugabe. Journalists
and bloggers continue to afford the MDC glamour press ignoring the
need to expose their weaknesses, of which there are many, in the
fight for democracy in Zimbabwe.
There seems to be a general
consensus that the solution to the crisis (yes, crisis) in Zimbabwe
is international pressure and intervention. Whilst the international
community is an important ally in our fight, internal pressure created
and implemented by Zimbabweans is equally, and vitally important.
At every turn commentators
on the Zimbabwean crisis will say that it is too dangerous for the
MDC or Zimbabweans to mass mobilize and challenge Robert Mugabe.
But both the MDC, in particular, Morgan Tsvangirai, as well as human
rights defenders, must reassess strategy and tactics and invoke
creative imagination in order to unseat Robert Mugabe.
There are several campaigns
that the MDC could have launched in those first few days after the
election when Mugabe was on the back foot.
Instead of holding elitist
press conferences in Harare-s most glamorous hotel, the newly
elected opposition Members of Parliament and Senators should have
gone out onto the streets, to meet and match and swell the euphoria
of the people before Zanu PF cracked down on public meetings.
Symbolic gestures have
immense power and help those who are fearful of street events to
participate and be active. If Tsvangirai felt that he had won the
election he should have sent a message far and wide throughout Zimbabwe
asking Zimbabweans to pull down all the presidential portraits which
hang in businesses, schools and hotels. The symbolic removal of
Mugabe-s portrait from public places would have solidified
the fact that the old man must go.
The MDC-s unwillingness
to create robust channels of communication with the people of Zimbabwe
has become one of the nails in their political coffin. It-s
time for Zimbabwean political activists and parties to stop complaining
about state-controlled media, and start engaging parallel media
strategies. Tsvangirai-s state of the nation victory speech
should have been aired on community broadcasters like Voice of the
People and SW Radio Africa.
We spend too much of
our time and our creative thinking in what Mugabe is doing wrong,
and not enough time working out what we should be doing better.
In Zimbabwe we find ourselves
between a rock - Mugabe and his fist of fury; and a soft place -
Tsvangirai-s failure to recognize that the pressure that is
developed through a successful election campaign must be followed
up with strong internal pressure, if we have any hope of finishing
off this dangerous snake that is poisoning our lives.
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