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This article participates on the following special index pages:
2008 harmonised elections - Index of articles
No
time for 'quiet diplomacy'
Sean Jacobs, Amandla!
April 14, 2008
http://www.amandlapublishers.co.za/content/view/496/154/
The ANC president Jacob
Zuma's public criticism of Robert Mugabe's government for its failure
to release two week-old presidential election results in neighboring
Zimbabwe, contrasts sharply with South African president Thabo Mbeki's
announcement this weekend - following a meeting with Mugabe at the
regional summit called to address the post-election crisis in Zimbabwe
- that there is "no crisis" in Zimbabwe.
Zuma's statement certainly
breaks with his previous position. In the past when confronted with
Mugabe's despotism, he noted: "If the people love him ... how
can we condemn him?" Zuma's statement also appears more in
tune with reality. Anyone who's been following the news knows that
Mbeki is wrong. As independent observers of the elections have noted:
in the run-up to the elections the ruling Zanu-PF used the police
and army to intimidate opposition supporters, the government banned
critical media (al-Jazeera, whose correspondent is openly pro-Zanu-PF,
was the only non-African TV news station allowed to report the elections),
packed the electoral commission, and prevented Zimbabwean exiles
from voting.
The truth, however, is
that Zuma will have little influence on Mugabe or Zanu-PF partly
because the faction that took control of the ANC under Zuma has
more in common with the Zimbabwean opposition. Zuma became ANC president
through a loose coalition in which the leadership of South Africa's
largest trade union federation played a central
role. It has not helped
that MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai on his visit to South Africa last
week actively sought out Zuma's advice or that key MDC leaders laud
the current ANC leadership as a "more trade-union backed ANC".
This analysis is shared by Mbeki's brother, Moeletsi, who spent
his political exile in independent Zimbabwe before returning to
South Africa.
More importantly, political
power in the ANC is now shared by two duelling factions: the Zuma-controlled
ANC on the one hand and on the other, a government dominated by
Mbeki loyalists. The second faction still holds the cards on government
policy, including when it comes to Zimbabwe (the two leading government-ANC
figures mediating on Mbeki's behalf are both in his camp.)
Nevertheless, all this
does not matter much since the leaders of the 12-nation Southern
African Development Community (SADC) supports Mbeki as the preferred
negotiator between Zanu-PF and the MDC. Mbeki therefore enjoys more
of a structural relationship with Mugabe that Zuma does not have.
So Zimbabweans and those
with an interest to (at least) see the electoral crisis resolved
(that the ballots be counted openly for one), should keep putting
pressure on Mbeki.
One other note: Mbeki
finds himself in a difficult position. This is partly of Mbeki's
own doing. He has not endeared himself to the Zimbabwean opposition
as an honest broker with his policy of "quiet diplomacy",
which has effectively served as cover for Mugabe and the armed forces,
the ruling party and its paramilitaries to abuse the people of Zimbabwe.
On the other hand, however,
Mbeki's supporters (and defenders) point out that he has had to
thread softly around Mugabe (and the latter's inner circle, including
senior army officers who have publicly stated their refusal to serve
an MDC government) who appear impervious to the opinions or arguments
of even its allies and who are now more than ever wounded by their
evident defeat in last month's elections. They are armed, wealthy
and have some support and could return to the repression of the
early 2000s (with their farm invasions, and violence against and
displacement of opposition supporters).
Nevertheless, that alliance
- sources from inside Zimbabwe indicate - seems fraught at present
(some generals seemed willing to "talk" to MDC leader
Tsvangirai and Mugabe's candidature was not unanimously supported
within Zanu-PF), while Mugabe is in perhaps the weakest position
in his own party since he lost the 2000 presidential referendum
vote.
As a result this may
also be an opportune time for Mbeki to seize the initiative and
abandon his policy of quiet diplomacy and force Mugabe to negotiate
openly with the MDC.
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