Back to Index

This article participates on the following special index pages:

Masses are always wounded but not broken: reviewing Zimbabwean political introspection
Andrew M Manyevere
February 12, 2008

Introduction through revieving of African perspectives
Towards the end of the twentieth century, the august body of African heads of state, then called the Organization of African Unity (OAU) 1970s, now called African Union, to the utter surprise of ordinary African citizens and intellectuals; chose to have General Alhaji Idi Amin Dada take over instrument of leadership for the august organization. These gentlemen then, as is now, always caused concern as to their inner appreciation of the tenets of democracy.

The rise and fall of Idi Amin of Uganda left the question of good leadership unanswered in its debate on the African continent. Whether elections mean something to the great minds of African leadership raises further questions than shade any light on the future of democracy on the continent.

When Africa then, took a position to have Idi Amin as its organization-s leader, it was early in the 1970s when the language for liberation struggle was associated with ruthlessness of force of arms, and may be becoming the cause of the mistaken imprisoned on poor omen to have 'radicals- like Idi Amin sit on the helm of African Political culture and identity. Of course genuine intellectuals among African leadership who were passionate for African liberation, culture and politics; like Mwalimu Julius Kambarange Nyerere and Kenneth Kaunda, among others, boycotted the Kampala 1976 OAU summit.

I was finishing my studies at Makerere University then, and remember that it was during this summit meeting that General Gowan of Nigerian was militarily overthrown, while attending this mockery of African leadership summit in Kampala.

As is with all situations in the African context, with the holding of an important summit and meeting in a nation, even if it is economically bleeding as was Uganda then, beggars were removed from the streets, homeless were taken to the hidden corners where they will not have access to the big city streets and embarrass the government of President Alhanji Idi Amin.

As an OAU scholarship recipient and a Zimbabwean refugee, President Idi Amin had frequently embarrassed Zimbabweans at Makerere since he claimed he loved revolution and offered his services to the removal of Ian Smith to free our Zimbabwean friends, referring to me, among others. But having been the first non-East African student to join student politics and to be elected into the Nkrumah Hall Student Common Room (SCR) as Chairman, I had the unfortunate privilege of shaking hands with President Amin many times; also embarrassing among those who trusted me with leadership to work modalities of removing militarism.

I learnt then, as I still do now, that the masses have no role in all the poor governance developing processes. More so, in the case of Uganda, since there were no elections held at all after President Milton Obote-s overthrow.

Contextualizing Zimbabwe leadership roles in politics
Elections were held in Zimbabwe in 1980. This was the first national election embracing all people above twenty-one years of age, irrespective of whether or not you owned property. It was funny to see results from involvement and participation. Masses saw the change after a long armed struggle which had seen many loved once disappear suffer and be traumatized.

But the benefits came to the crowd which had established relationships during the war days. These formed syndicates which would protect each other against the simply patriotic who loved to see their country free and develop. The likes of Dr Simba Makoni, Dr Witness Mangwende and Dr Shadreck Shava were conscripted into politics of rulership, but were never considered insiders, like those who had been with the armed struggle in the outside countries, such as the late Robson Manyika, Robert Mugabe, late Simon Muzenda, Kumbirai Kangai, Dr Dzingai Mutumbuka, and Dr Zvobgo. There are those who were at home like Dydimous Mutasa and the late Morris Nyangumbo, with exception of those who were militarily trained like Ndangana, Tekere and others who went into civilian life straight than remain attached to the army of liberation since the war was over.

These are only from the Zanu group not to mention of the Zapu group who also had their own people some of whom died miserable life after the 1987 unity talks which transitioned into Zanu PF. Those who came from the grassroots and had no education, despite their having been trained in military died poor and without any ceremonial regalia from the hierarchy of liberation struggles.

Zapu tried to look after its ex-combatant personnel after the war during independence, But Zanu as a government or party never made a job scheme to look after those who had fought the war of liberation. The late Joshua Nkomo bought farms and tried to have ex-combatants build careers from these farms, but the farms were captured by the Zanu government once they suspected success which could provoke problems for them from the neglected Zanu ex-combatants.

The only notable thing which saw the passing away of the history of having been in armed struggle was the enmity planted between our two tribes after the Entubane battle in Bulawayo where thousands upon thousand died to exonerate Zanu leadership poor judgment and suspicion on Zapu to take over leadership in an election three years away.

We saw some of our most brilliant soldiers -both in the battle and at logistics - die from mere suspicion and competitive spirit for leadership. Looking back then in contrast to what Mugabe is and has come to reveal in a circle of maturity of tyranny, we were naïve from sheer trust of Mugabe as the best leader then. Maybe he was good and was built into a monster from our poor political judgment then inclusive of some overdone worship of leadership by those in competed hoping to survive by good deeds to those in power. It was under this cruel political tutelage that men like Simba Makoni grew into Zanu PF.

Zanu PF political leadership for success was and is based on a criterion of patronage, ingratiation, corruption favors and dishonesty. Christopher Ushewekunze tried to work against this dynasty of corruption from within, when we thought change could come from within costing him his life prematurely.

Break away from a dynasty of corruption leadership not the norm of ZANU-PF
While the record of Zanu and her transition to Zanu PF speaks for itself, there are some leaders who have never spoken strong against the evil in the system, but remained parked inside the Zanu party for political comfort away from blame.

Dr Simba Makoni climbed high and came down as quick as he climbed because he had and has no leadership acumen. At independence iIn 1980, he became the first minister of Energy, and with embarrassment he was fired and taken to some obscene political posting. Through the good heart of President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia he attained favour to join SADC as Seceretary General. My preamble to this paper puts African leadership in context by examining the role of appointing Idi Amin by African heads of state, pointing out to total lack of criteria. Is it any wonder that Simba Makoni ended up as SG of SADC as if it was a reward for him having failed to run a ministry in Zimbabwe under Mugabe leadership.

Even when his SADC contract was cut irately he was given a management post of the government newspaper, The Zimpapers Company, as general manager and would not perform exceptional for approval rate even in the eyes of his masters, the government or to be direct, Robert Mugabe. He came back into government again to assume Ministerial Post for the Financial Ministry. Nothing of controversy or improvement to the economy except when he sought remedy of devaluation, to the value of money whose system was without economic brakes to hold anchorage for development. Dismissed and put to the lowest level of the Zanu PF party structure, Simba Makoni remained loyal to Zanu PF despite of.

This is an impeccable record of loyalty from Simba Makoni to Zanu PF, would he find his way into national loyalty at all if elected into the high post for the land? If he could not disagree or use his education to denounce something against leadership of Zanu PF from 1980 despite that Zanu PF was failing to perform successfully, it can only be concluded he survived from favours of his superiors hence his inability to denounce his party to this day.

All change to former minister in previous governments show that they disowned being owned by the former party and moved forward to form a contesting opposition political party. The characteristic of the many who left Zanu PF is critical to observe the pattern. The Zanu PF member cannot renounce his party or leadership. The loyal Zanu PF would rather make an arrangement with leadership; the case of Tekere is still fresh. The case of Ibbo Mandaza with the CIO in newspaper business is also still fresh. As can be seen the style is that all these persons are recycled members of Zanu-pf trying to survive the party using one method or the other to trick the blind and take them for agency of change.

Dynamics of political and economic change
The debate above has concerned itself with power building from one person to another without involvement of the masses yet the masses were affected by all these dynamic factors of pushing one person before the other to cheat masses and get them divided. The hope for liberation kept coming and yet drawn so far away through the lack of SINCERITY, INTEGRITY AND HONESTY in the so called premeditated changes that greeted the political terrain in the country. The recipients the masses suffered one bad dream to another, yet still even today they are given another bad dream through chosen Zanu-pf alternatives to Robert Mugabe.

When political fatigue embraces people opportunism becomes the twin sister. No doubt many of us have seen events pass by but cannot subject these events into analysis and deduce facts for further scenarios for the future. We hold today and forget tomorrow as though to confirm the faith in our cultural proverb which states: "that you have eaten is yours and that you have not eaten is not yours or cannot be budgeted upon." In this respect our culture appears to have trained us to ignore future scenario analysis but the present.

Too many people holding doctorate degrees have proven gullible to excessive love for money than for the love of the ordinary people, the masses. Yet elections always direct themselves to the votes from the masses. Lack of honesty leadership have not prepared people to make wise choices let alone understand the dynamism of change when delivered from a political pot of true promises and measurable and certified as attainable

We have seen same people recycled to take different position in Zanu-pf without change in economic performance or lower level people ownership of means of production. We have seen more of the Phillip Chiyangwas, the strange background Member of Parliament puppets to Mugabe that masters of their own thinking.

When Morgan Tsvangirai and Gibson Sibanda and others of the working class challenged Mugabe its was truly strange and drew mockery from those of academic pursuits. T was not usual that lower level worker class could claim leadership of a country despite what had already taken precedent in Zambia with President Chiluba, from a trade union background taking over from Zambia-s UNIP. That UNIP was a political party from colonial days, no longer mattered for as long as they could not deliver food on the table of the common man.

That political climate is ripe now in Zimbabwe to promote change of government. We, however, need those with proven record of consistent honesty at reproving oppressive system. If the MDCunder the leadership of Morgan Tsvangirai had not come to the political scene and help bridge political understanding, the political staging in Zimbabwe could not have advanced to where we are now. Possibly too Mugabe would not have waken out of his political doll drums in which he believed he was the best until when he was beaten in 2000 and subsequent years then he realized people meant to change government.

The dynamism of worker leadership pushed Mugabe to the corner where tyranny was the only alternative to him, than be pushed out in humiliation and shame at an election table.

What brought changes which exist and even the pretence to go for talks with opponents through Mbeki mediation came as a result of political push of the masses led by Morgan Tsvangirai. Mugabe would not beat Tsvangirai if he did not constitute a real threat to Mugabe-s political existence.

The duty of a leader is to find expertise and use them to best national advantage. All expertise have left Zimbabwe as a result of poor governance by Zanu PF. Its time like the western nations, we of Zimbabwe examine the best contribution which those we want to lead have done historically and are doing. The best tribute for leadership is being honesty and brave to point out the wrong and have the humility to accept era in order to move on to correct it. Defending era with every power at one-s exposure has drowned African political performance and dug into poor fiscal status of a government.

Good electoral practices bring about the luxury of choice of good leadership from among those best talented, even if they come from private sector. Honest consultation with the people has not taken place in Zimbabwe since independence, but more so after the 2000 defeat of Zanu PF she never conceded to.

Political dynamism is therefore provided from the choice of personality that leads the party and therefore the country for each span of leadership changes. America is able to measure her lips of development from the powerful personalities chosen to lead at a certain period in time. Dynamic leadership has translated economic dynamism as well because leadership is a collective and team effort by those who respect the masses.

Elections free and fairness absent in March 2008
Because Zanu PF knows not how to campaign but to force people with promises of force and brutality, there will be no campaign by Zanu PF. Already the militia have filled rural areas where Zanu PF is expected to enforce threat of another armed insurrection similar to that of the 1970s coming back, if any other government than Zanu PF comes to power. Zanu PF has therefore begun applying sanctions on peasants and selected working class so that if they do not vote as expected, vote for Zanu PF, whether one likes it or not; they forfeit receiving any supplements for shortages in food and fuel that government allocates to the people.

The reason why Zanu PF authority controls allocation of food and fuel is to influence voting pattern to its favour. The years past have seen some bold decisions by people choosing to forgo the government allocations and retain freedom of choice. The MDC is choosing enetering the election race to fight along side with the suffering masses, which will not benefit even if they vote in appeasement to Zanu PF. History, has proven that Zanu PF has lost control of rule of law to the militia who are law unto themselves in the country. They punish without interference of anyone what so ever. They can kill and dig someone into shallow graves any moment and get away with it.

Despite all these unpleasantness common among Zimbabweans today, the MDC does not see any other way but to support people until victory is won. It is common sense that if any inquiry on freedom of the common person in Zimbabwe was done. Change will come from outside through international force of international convention for human rights and protection of citizens from their own government acting evil on people.

Zanu-pf has influenced voter-s behavior, both in the past and currently, by using the carrot and stick approach to voters with no one doing anything, not even the international community. No doubt there is apathy in the country which however, because there is no fairness does not mean anything. A correct study of previous elections statistics whether it is for local or national level shows that the voters are far below reasonable voters- level. If in a constituency of 23 000 voters only four thousand are the maximum votes for the winner, it suggests that less than ten thousand voted, what happened to the rest? Obviously the voters decide that without safety guaranteed they may as well stay at home, come whatever be the consequences from Zanu PF militia after voting is over.

Recommendations for dangers in leadership choice other than through elections

1. No leader comes to any organization from nowhere but from a springboard funded by a mass of people who know him/her to faithfully express vote of confidence on his/her sympathy for people driven programs: Can survive power other than tyranny methods. Our past in Zimbabwe has misled most of us. The choice of Robert Mugabe did not follow from practical management of a war, because he was neither on the forefront of battle or in the field. Mob psychology should never run elections but clear achievement lines or potential should guide voting intelligently. Voting in Zimbabwe has been fraught in fear and threats for violence from sources of government which should control security.
2. Too much talk and no direction on people who have never taken a stand for the people against a system growing callously dangerous against the people interest, suggests corruption and vote by vested interests more than for the good care promised on taking care of the masses, the citizens. The rich tent to overshadow the influence of the voted since they contribute more towards buying the candidates, denying the people input from the outset.
3. Zimbabwe history came to a phase of stagnation broken by courage more than intellect but by use of both which worked for Tsvangirai to cross that bridge then and to remain on course. Prosperous nations have never forgotten their good past, hence why they prosper. We have no such past because our leaders once in power have sought to justify their failures even through the abuse of people, the masses. Despite, the masses have never been broken even as they remain wounded.
4. The world bodies, United Nations and AU need help Zimbabwe since we the nationals tell our story of naked abuse at the hands of a dictator who rejoices at more citizens leaving the country under duress than they stay in the country, if by staying in they would make more threat to him to loose position from power..
5. Good media is part and parcel to strong opinion and therefore education on the electorate to choose wisely. In the absence of such debate and dialogue, voting could take parochial patterns which prejudice masses. recent kenya election where Oreila Odinga is supposed to have been leading, but suddenly turns out that he lost the election. This upsets the masses (the electorate) who had been stomaching long term frustration on leadership. The same as people of Zimbabwe who know what they want but keep being told that Mugabe has won, even if people decline to vote, the end is always a puzzling one to the voters and provoking international intervention, the only other alternative to peaceful solution on a problem of unfair treatment of opponent partners by those in Power. This is the historical story of what Mugabe has done to MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai. The difference in the two situations is that the kenyan situation has more report coverage where as the Zimbabwe condition has zero newspaper coverage except for Mugabe propaganda newspaper.

Please credit www.kubatana.net if you make use of material from this website. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons License unless stated otherwise.

TOP