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Democracy:
Africa's elusive dream?
Alex T. Magaisa, New Zimbabwe
January 03, 2008
http://allafrica.com/stories/200801040631.html
THE year 2007 has passed
on and with it, the hopes and dreams of a continent. Like the relentless
waves of the sea, each year comes and goes, eating away the coastline,
each time taking off a piece of the fragile land. For Africa, the
annual passage of time seems subtract the dreams and expectations
of a people who have known little peace. For the best part of a
decade now, there has been much preoccupation with Zimbabwe and
its escalating failures, as the antithesis of the democratic movement
seemingly sweeping across Africa. Yet, right across the continent,
the script remains familiar, disappointment and despair at the apparent
failures to measure up to the democratic standards and descent into
chaos and violence following such failures. When all is considered,
it would appear that the year 2007 was no more than the harbinger
of pain, misery and despair for the continent.
2007 witnessed a number
of elections but four earned the greatest attention. First, March
saw a chaotic national election in Nigeria. Though condemned for
the violence and alleged cheating, the new President Yar Adua appears
now to be firmly in place.
Second, as the year drew
to a close, Kenya held national elections - equally chaotic, very
violent and more allegations of cheating. The third, was the smaller
but equally significant election for the leadership of the ANC,
the major political party in South Africa. The other, was the election
that never was - the (non) contest for the leadership of Zimbabwe's
ruling party - Zanu PF.
All four countries matter
greatly to Africa. Until now Kenya has been regarded as a relatively
peaceful nation with the biggest economy in East Africa. The 2002
election, which displaced KANU, then the ruling party, appeared
to have ushered a new wave of democratic spirit. If that was a symbol
of hope, the 2007 election represents despair. Hundreds of people
have perished from the violence unleashed in response in the wake
of a hotly-disputed election. The erstwhile messengers of democracy,
feted in 2002, have become the ultimate villains merely five years
later - an indication, if any was needed, that democracy is not
signified by the mere event of the election but is a process whose
success must be measured over time. Too much celebration too soon
over the event of the election as the signal of democracy is a grave
error that often leads to great despair.
Nigeria is a major economic
power, being the biggest oil producer in Africa housing Africa's
largest population . The previous eight years, commencing with a
major election that ushered transition from military dictatorship
to civilian rule had seemingly brought much hope for democracy.
But the disputed election in Africa's most populous country has
blighted its democratic credentials. Yet, perhaps, because this
is a great source of oil, electoral irregularities have not affected
the 'international community's' view on the legitimacy of Nigeria's
new government. It is these inconsistencies that blight the West's
interventions in African politics when it attempts to lecture on
democracy and human rights.
South Africa is the continent's
economic superpower. Touted optimistically as the "Rainbow
Nation", it has represented enormous hope both politically
and economically. President Mbeki has presided over what is regarded
as a successful economy. His presidential term does not run out
until 2009 but in December 2007 he, humiliatingly, lost the presidency
of the ruling ANC Party, to his political nemesis, Jacob Zuma.
Zuma is a man who faces
criminal charges centring on corruption and more recently, faced
the ignominy of being tried on charges of rape, during which he
testified that, in order to prevent HIV-infection, he had taken
the unlikely precaution of having a shower after intercourse. On
the one hand, the election demonstrates some measure of internal
democracy within the ANC. On the other hand, for sceptics who are
suspicious of Zuma's credentials and capabilities, notwithstanding
the favour he enjoys among the ordinary people, it confirms their
fears that, sometimes, even the 'right' democratic structures can
produce the 'wrong' result.
Zimbabwe is Africa's
formerly golden child, rich in promise but has more recently fallen
on severely hard times. The year 2007 is memorable for stubborn
continuity, for an election that never was. 2008 represents an election
that may only be significant to the extent that it represents yet
another wave that eats away the dream of democracy.
Unlike his South African
counterpart, President Mugabe has presided over the demise of an
economic power. His presidential term runs out in 2008 and it was
hoped by most neutrals that he would pass on the baton for another
to try to revive the fortunes of an ailing nation. But in December
2007, he was endorsed as the ruling Zanu PF party's sole presidential
candidate in the 2008 national elections.
Such is the nature of
political structures and electoral politics - booting out a president
who has carried a successful economy in SA's ANC but retaining another
who has presided over the downfall of an economy in Zimbabwe's Zanu
PF.
The trouble is that democracy
in Africa has centred squarely on the event of the election. Elections
matter, of course, because they represent the legitimate forum of
succession in political governance. But it is this very event that
has caused great despair because of the way it is managed, which
invariably tends to favour the incumbent and disadvantage the challenger,
so that in almost every election, the challenger cries foul over
allegations of rigging and cheating. No election on the continent
has passed without allegations of cheating.
The truth is that elections
can and do produce unlikely results, depending on the persons responsible
for their management. A hundred years ago, very few countries could
boast of universal suffrage. By contrast, there are many more countries
today, that subscribe to the notion of universal suffrage. But that
is no guarantee that it advances or has advanced the notion and
values of democracy. If anything, there is evidence, especially
in Africa, of elections being used as means of legitimating the
power of certain sections of society, mainly those that are already
in power. Notwithstanding that they lack any democratic values,
they claim, on the basis of holding regular elections, as in Zimbabwe,
that they are democratically elected and therefore legitimate governments.
As a measure of democracy,
elections in Africa are flawed. An election alone is no signifier
of democracy. More than that, it is important to develop and uphold
the liberal values that make up democracy. One here refers to the
values of fairness, equality, respect, freedom, justice, transparency,
free enterprise and liberal economic policy, etc.
These values are dependent
on the development of a particular culture that is informed by the
history of the people, certain levels of education, economic wherewithal
and aspirations. It follows that there are many other factors, beyond
the event of an election that are necessary for the success of democracy
as it is understood in most of the Western polities.
Indeed, in the West itself,
the type of democracy that exists there, emerged from centuries
of political development characterised by conflict and blood-letting.
That history is essential to the way people react and respond to
particular phenomena and their approach to politics. The election
is simply a part of a much bigger process, informed by values nurtured
over time. Yet, when transposed into new territory, democracy is
measured by ticking boxes - free elections, existence of certain
institutions, etc. Because of the fixation with elections, the result
sometimes, is what might be referred to as "illiberal democracy"
- an apparently democratic system but without the liberal values
and problems arise when the so-called "right" structures
produce the wrong "result".
There is a fundamental
need to devise ways of dealing with such aspects of democracy as
elections. One great problem in African politics is the "winner
takes all" approach to electoral processes. Most African countries
have particular histories that influence the demographic make-up
of voters. Tribe is clearly still an important feature in most countries.
Regionalism is often allied to the tribal factor. Even if the disaffection
with a particular political party cuts across tribe and regions,
when problems arise, tribe is always a sensitive fault-line that
is easily exploited.
It is necessary therefore,
to create an electoral system, whose outcomes can more closely represent
the wishes of the diverse peoples who make up the electorate. The
winners take all approach favours the majority whilst unfairly marginalising
the minority, even if, as is often the case, the minority is a large
minority. Africans must seriously consider such systems as proportional
representation and consensus-building in politics.
The other key feature
is the general poverty of the ordinary members of the public, so
that in times of trouble, they have little or nothing to protect
and instead find opportunities in the ensuing chaos to grab property
from those that have it. It follows therefore, that people must
have property to protect from violence and disorder, property here
encompassing aspirations. Because where the majority lack an incentive
to protect property, they are often driven to violent acts to express
their anger and dismay at the electoral system - such approaches
affect, not just the opponents but the country as a whole.
It is therefore important,
if the values that underpin democracy are to flourish, to enhance
individual economic development. There is the need here, for those
with an interest in advancing the African cause, to develop such
models of individual economic emancipation. Perhaps, when the ordinary
African has some form of economic capacity to safeguard and promote,
will he be an agent for the advancement and protection of values
that can sustain a democracy. This might well take time but it has
to be done.
Dr Magaisa can
be contacted at wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk
Please credit www.kubatana.net if you make use of material from this website.
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons License unless stated otherwise.
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