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Zimbabwe
Experience - Part 4
André Carrel
December 07, 2007
Continued from
Part
3
http://andrecarrel.com/cms/modules/news/article.php?storyid=114
All personal
secrets have the effect of sin or guilt.
- Carl
Jung
Why do they put up with
it? Why are Zimbabweans not protesting in the streets by the thousand?
Why is there no sign of a popular revolt against Mugabe? I was hoping
to find answers to these questions during my visit.
Zimbabwe has elections,
but it is not a democracy; it is a dictatorship. Mugabe has banned
all independent media, and he has enacted laws allowing his henchmen
to open any letter and to monitor all telephone conversations and
email communications. When I asked my friends about the current
conditions in Zimbabwe, they responded in whispers, looking over
their shoulders before speaking. Certain words were never spoken:
Even in private conversations Mugabe's name never crossed their
lips; they referred only to "him." They talked in riddles:
We are the Israelites; we don't want to be lead by Moses anymore;
we want Joseph.
I knew little
about Zimbabwe when I first visited the country in 1992. I assumed
that Mugabe had the respect of his people because of his leadership
in the liberation war. During this last visit I was given a copy
of a banned report, published in 1999 by the Catholic
Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe and the Legal
Resources Foundation. This report, titled Breaking
the Silence, Building True Peace, is a summary of a much larger
report documenting the terror Mugabe unleashed on his country in
the 1980s.
The report recounts how,
a few months after his first election, Mugabe made a deal with North
Korea's Kim Il Sung to train a special security force. The report
describes the physical torture, deprivation, psychological torture,
and disappearances Mugabe's special force inflicted on civilians
in the provinces of Matabeleland and Midlands. The Fifth Brigade,
as this internal security force was known, operated independently
of the army, police, and the Central Intelligence Organization.
The Fifth Brigade was not accountable to parliament. It took its
orders directly from Mugabe, and the atrocities it committed are
of the kind associated with the regimes of Hitler and Stalin. The
difference is merely one of scale. Mugabe's torture victims number
in the tens of thousands, not in the millions. When Mugabe disbanded
the Fifth Brigade, he integrated its members into the regular security
forces. Nobody has ever been held accountable. To this day Zimbabweans
are afraid to talk about the activities of the Fifth Brigade. A
disillusioned former guerilla fighter, who bitterly claimed that
what is happening in Zimbabwe today is not what he fought for, told
me that he believes that Mugabe clings to power because of the legacy
of the Fifth Brigade: Mugabe fears losing his immunity as head of
state.
The banned report
is on the Internet, but few people in the communal lands in rural
Zimbabwe have access to the Internet. They learned about what happened
in the province of Matabeleland in the 1980s by word of mouth. People
in every community of every province now know about Mugabe's capacity
for terror and brutality from first-hand experience.
What is happening in
Zimbabwe today is not new; it is consistent with Mugabe's rule since
his first election in 1980. For a quarter century Mugabe's obsession
with secrecy in the name of state security has served as a cover
for his corruption and his state-sponsored lawlessness, thuggery,
torture, beatings and killing, and the indoctrination of youth gangs
to act as agents of terror. Foreign embassies and their intelligence
services must have known what was going on in the 1980s. Yet many
developed countries, Canada included, praised Mugabe's government
while they poured millions of dollars into the country. I was one
of many ignorant Canadian volunteers (all expenses paid by the federal
government) holding to the naive belief that Mugabe's government
welcomed our efforts to help develop open and accountable local
government in Zimbabwe.
Zimbabweans do not believe
that the world will come to their assistance if they rise up against
Mugabe. Having read the banned report, I understand their mistrust
of the outside world. How could I have explained to my friends the
decision by Queen Elizabeth II, our Queen, to bestow on Mugabe an
honorary Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath, a British order
of chivalry, after all the atrocities of the 1980s? How could I
have explained to them the equally despicable decisions by several
prestigious European and North American universities to reward Mugabe
with honorary doctorates?
The combination
of government secrecy and willful blindness is fatal to democracy.
We betray democracy with our silence. When we accept anything short
of full public accountability and disclosure from any level of government
in cases such as Maher Arar, the tasering of Robert Dziekanski at
the Vancouver airport, and the arrest of war resisters in our communities,
we betray democracy, and we do so at our own peril.
Continued to
Conclusion
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