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The
politics of exclusion and national survival
Margaret Zondo
October 02, 2007
http://www.africafiles.org/article.asp?ID=16150
Introduction
Almost eight years of
political, economic and social turmoil has been both a curse and
for some elites, a blessing for Zimbabweans. The tragic experience
has revealed a resilient nation with a strong culture of self-reliance,
pride and resourcefulness. From a nation of certainty and prosperity
as recent as 10 years ago, daily the world-s media talks about
a pariah state on the verge of collapse and focuses on what has,
or is, going wrong in the landlocked southern African nation. I
acknowledge that we have also been labelled docile, cowardly and
afraid of change. The deterioration in living standards and the
constant daily search for ways to survive is the major preoccupation
of life. Less often are the stories about how Zimbabweans are coping
and what lessons of survival can be applied elsewhere in the future.
Background
In 1980, Zimbabwe won
independence from British colonial rule and white supremacist Rhodesia.
It inherited a nation rich in mineral resources, with a solid and
highly profitable agricultural industry and a superb infrastructure.
Led by Prime Minister Robert Gabriel Mugabe of the Zimbabwe African
National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), the newly elected -
by universal franchise — government-s policy of reconciliation
not only allayed fears of persecution among the minority whites
but became a symbol of a new Zimbabwe that could be emulated by
other African countries. In addition, the country-s 92 percent
literacy rate was the highest in Africa. The country was an attractive
destination for direct foreign investment and tourism while its
currency (the Zimbabwe dollar) was valued above the United States
dollar in 1980 and business was booming.
Mugabe-s ZANU-PF
has been the dominant political party since independence. In 1987
a revised constitution made Mugabe Executive President holding powers
as head of state and head of government. His ZANU-PF has won every
election since 1980, with outside observers alleging massive irregularities
every time. In particular, the elections of 1990 were nationally
and internationally condemned with the now defunct Zimbabwe Unity
Movement, winning only 20 percent of the vote. Presidential elections
were last held in 2002 amid even greater allegations of vote-rigging,
intimidation and fraud. The next presidential elections are due
to be held in 2008.
Immediately after Independence,
the new black majority government adopted the progressive policy
of reconciliation, inclusivity, independence of thought and creativity
— at least on paper. The country thrived and became a beacon
of hope for much of the rest of Africa and the world-s liberal
democracies like Canada pronounced themselves well satisfied. The
mainline churches, long supporters of Zimbabwe-s liberation
struggle, were elated.
Significant gains were
made in the social and economic spheres and the country had sound
institutions of governance that worked efficiently and effectively
despite the fact that they had been designed and intended to serve
the minority white population.
The government introduced
a directive in 1980 to level the playing field in the public service
and to allow as many highly qualified, but inexperienced, black
Zimbabweans as possible to enter the public service. Before 1980,
Africans could only enter the public service as clerks. White Zimbabweans
started at the officer level. This differentiation in status and
pay levels was not only confined to the public service. In the banking
sector for instance, the top two grades were white only. No black
person, regardless of academic and or professional background, could
enter the bank at these levels In order to address these inequalities;
the new government established the National Manpower Survey in 1982
and moved swiftly to ensure that all workers were paid equally for
the same work regardless of race and gender. The Zimbabwe Public
Service Commission visited countries like the United Kingdom and
Canada to lure Zimbabweans back home to actively participate in
building their country. Economic power, however especially in agriculture,
manufacturing, mining and tourism, remained largely in the hands
of the whites while blacks lagged behind even though they held the
reins of power in government.
The
politics of exclusion
However, ZANU PF-s
internal policies started to gradually practice what could be called
"the politics of exclusion" in order to consolidate
its political power and prevent the growth of an active political
opposition. The culture of ZANU PF manifested itself in cronyism
and patronage and currently, most institutions have ceased to serve
the public while some have been systematically militarized. One
either belonged or was regarded with suspicion People were in or
out. Whites stayed out and controlled the economy. This has not
changed in 27 years and, indeed has become the norm.
Exclusion has contributed
immensely to Zimbabwe-s current problems and its imminent
collapse as a functioning state. It is not a new phenomena. Historically,
political, social and economic exclusion during the colonial era,
white minority rule and, since 1980, through the policies of ZANU
PF has created a people attuned to being 'in- or 'out-
with all the benefits which accrue to insiders and the poverty of
outsiders.
Political exclusion is
more than simply denying basic citizenship rights, such as the right
to vote and associate. When imposed on such a large scale, it prevents
groups and categories of people from participating in political
life, and inhibits democratization. Government response to citizen
complaints is usually haphazard and misdirected thereby creating
a society that is perpetually in crisis.
This is especially obvious
in the past seven years. Zimbabweans are well-known survivors who
create opportunities where they improvise creatively to manage the
day-to-day demands of life. Every obstacle is met with resourcefulness
and a deep resolve not to give up. The abnormal becomes normal.
Social exclusion in Zimbabwe
has manifested itself in a weakened extended family support structure,
chronic poverty, isolation and vulnerability especially amongst
women, children and the elderly. Women need to over-extend their
nurturing skills and community involvement in order to fill the
vacuum left by government. They are forced to risk their lives by
crossing into neighboring countries in search of ways to make a
living. With 80 percent unemployment and raging inflation, there
are not many prospects for formal employment in Zimbabwe. It is
a desperate situation for the vast majority. Governments worldwide
have responsibility for their citizens. By systematically employing
the politics of exclusion, the Zimbabwe government reneges on all
its obligations towards its peoples A combination of social and
economic exclusion breeds distrust and anxiety.
Economic exclusion in
Zimbabwe has occurred rapidly due to a number of factors. The gap
between the tiny wealthy elite and the rest of the citizens continues
to widen, as Zimbabwe has violated the most basic rules of economic
theory and practice. Everything is so politicized that the only
relief for ordinary citizens is to be as creative as possible in
order to survive the daily challenges.
There were 19 documented
and well-publicized corruption cases in Zimbabwe between 1987 and
2001 involving high-ranking politicians, some of whom still hold
positions of authority. The Anti-Corruption Commission of Zimbabwe
(ACCZ) was established in September 2005 and it is a signatory of
the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Protocol as well
as the African Union (AU) and United Nations (UN) Convention on
Anti-Corruption. There have been a handful of prominent citizens
like a former minister of finance that have been hauled before the
courts and jailed only to be cleared of all charges by the courts.
A presidential decree
of June 18 2007, ordered business to revert to prices that were
current on that date and reduce them by 50 percent. What followed
has been referred to as state-sanctioned looting as people grabbed
as much as they could in the shops. Food items and various other
goods quickly disappeared because of panic buying. The situation
has since deteriorated because business cannot produce and sell
goods at a loss. Some 7,000 business owners or operators were arrested
for flouting the price controls and were subsequently accused of
corruption and sabotage. The Zimbabwe Stock Exchange also suffered
huge losses with some corporate listings losing up to 40 percent
of their share value in a single day. Many companies are closing
factories and have stopped importing goods and raw materials.
This economic exclusion
could lead to rebellion and violence against the system that causes
exclusion, ZANU PF and its securocratic system of oppression. The
sporadic and persistent labor unrest in Zimbabwe could be the beginning
of the end, had the government not acted so ruthlessly to stifle
all forms of protest. By withholding their labor, workers —
among them doctors, nurses, teachers and lawyers — are using
the only weapon that they have to fight back.
Zimbabweans cannot openly
hold peaceful demonstrations so they resort to passive resistance
like the popular go-slow strategy, job-stayaways, absenteeism, and
sabotage. Moonlighting is common as workers try to supplement their
meager wages. The government would prefer that it controls every
economic activity to its advantage but the ingenuity of Zimbabweans
makes this an arduous task.
In practicing such politics
of exclusion, the government has progressively walked the path of
self-destruction and exposed its populace to extreme poverty. The
people have responded by continuously perfecting the art of survival.
The Zimbabwe Central
Statistical Office (CSO), reports that Zimbabwe-s rate of
inflation surged to 3,731.9 percent in May 2007, driven by higher
energy and food costs, and further amplified by a drop in its currency
value. Rampant inflation is a sure sign of a deep economic crisis
that requires hard policy decisions by the government. By July 2007
inflation had surged to 7,634 percent, the highest in the world,
and continues to rise.
In July, 100, 000 Zimbabwe
dollars could buy one four loaves of poor quality white bread at
the government controlled price while take-out lunch for four comprising
chicken burgers and small fries cost a whooping $1,9 million Zimbabwe
dollars. In September 2007 the price of a loaf of bread had risen
to $145,000 when available in the shops despite the official price
of $30,000. Zimbabwe is a country full of poor millionaires and
everyone carries wads of cash all the time in case they come across
a queue for bread, fuel, cooking oil or sugar. These foodstuffs
are all in short supply but in abundance on the parallel or black
market at ten times the official controlled price. Waiting in endless
queues with no guarantee of getting food or other items not only
affects productivity but results in risen tempers and fatigue. Employers
and employees alike in both the public and private sectors feel
cornered and operate in an environment characterized by fear and
uncertainty.
Furthermore, the constant
power outages in Zimbabwe have created a nation of "night-shifters"
Electricity goes off at dawn and again in the early afternoon so
much cannot be done during these periods. The most productive hours
are late at night and early morning especially for those fortunate
enough to have access to computers and work from home. The work
culture as we know it is fast-changing such that it is impossible
for supervisors and managers to enforce workplace rules and regulations.
Preparing meals over an open fire is the only alternative for most
people but this has far-reaching environmental degradation due to
the rampant cutting down of trees.
Apart from severe shortages
of basic foodstuffs, many city dwellers also struggle with water,
electricity and transport shortages. On days that water is available,
drinking water is strictly rationed. For example, after bathing,
the same bath water is re-cycled and used for flushing the toilet.
It is a wonder why there has not been a serious cholera outbreak
in Zimbabwe. During these extraordinary days that call for extraordinary
response, Zimbabweans do not leave home without one or all of items
like backpacks, plastic containers, plastic bags and lots of cash.
The city is awash with residents on the move either searching for
anything that they might come across in the queues or offering goods
and services. The cell phone has become a treasured possession and
a survival gadget. Throughout the day and night text messages are
sent and received notifying friend, family and colleagues about
where such and such is available. When the government ordered a
reduction by 50 percent on the price of goods and services in June,
the telecommunications industry was hardest hit. Time spent trying
to get through on the phone meant many lost opportunities for an
already weary nation. Zimbabwe has turned into a place where one
quickly learns the techniques of improvising and compromising on
quality and quantity.
City life in Zimbabwe
is now worse than life in the rural areas for the 80 percent of
urban poor. The definition of poverty has taken on new meaning in
Zimbabwe. Whereas people in the West associate the black market
with illegal activities, in Zimbabwe the black or parallel market
is a lifeline for families that can afford paying for essential
goods at an inflated price. It comes as no surprise that even when
the officials, in a desperate attempt to crush the black market,
offer cash incentives to whistle blowers, there are no takers because
food in Zimbabwe has not only become politicized but a rare commodity.
Moreover, Zimbabweans suffer one of the highest HIV/AIDS infection
rates in the world and as with everything else, all types of medicines
are scarce. Zimbabweans now make regular trips to Botswana, South
Africa, Malawi, Zambia and Tanzania to do grocery and other shopping.
The irony is that in Malawi one can buy products made in Zimbabwe
like fresh milk which has been in short supply for a long time in
Zimbabwe, but is abundantly available in Malawi.
In May 2005,
the implementation of Operation
Murambatsvina or "Operation Drive Out Filth" was
said to be an urban renewal exercise. The government claimed growing
urban sprawl was contributing to crime and was a potential health
hazard. The exercise involved the indiscriminate destruction of
property for the urban poor rendering them destitute. The UN estimates
that about 700,000 people became unemployed as a direct result of
the operation, while government maintains that a total of 120,000
were actually affected.
There have been many
theories about why Murambatsvina happened and the timing of the
exercise. One such theory is that because of the government policy
"Look East" Murambatsvina was intended to make way for
Chinese small business by putting small street vendors out of existence.
Others saw it as an attempt to destroy the opposition support base
in the urban centers. Another theory was that by destroying urban
slums, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe would kill off the lucrative
illegal foreign exchange market. Contrary to this, in early September
2007 when government adjusted the official, as opposed to black
market, exchange rate for the U.S dollar from $250 to 3,000 Zimbabwe
dollars, the rates jumped from 200,000 to 280,000 Zimbabwe dollars.
The perpetual demand for foreign currency by the population and
its availability on the black market has kept most businesses and
government afloat. It is the remittances from the Diaspora that
fuel the black market and enable family and friends to buy medicine,
food and fuel. Speculation in foreign currency and its exchange
for local currency is a lucrative but dangerous occupation prone
to random raids by the police because it is mostly conducted on
the city streets.
Earlier this year the
governor for the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe could only describe the
economic meltdown and its devastating effects as "Economic
HIV". Even he has failed to eliminate the illegal foreign
currency dealings with Zimbabweans referring to one location in
the city limits notorious for these activities as "The World
Bank."
A repressive administration
and ruling party formulates government policy in isolation and has
no time to assess or evaluate both the advantages and disadvantages
of such punitive laws and decrees.
Surviving
and finding solutions
Every single hour in
Zimbabwe requires its own survival strategy. Each creative move
or strategy is met with state interference contempt and violence.
Zimbabweans respond yet again with ways to circumvent the latest
onslaught on their livelihoods because they perceive themselves
as a nation on high alert.
Varying contributors
to the on-going debate about Zimbabwe argue over a wide range of
solutions but few acknowledge that a stable, prosperous future requires
diversity, inclusion and tolerance for all players in charting the
way forward. Inclusion in the political arena should be a careful
exercise that not only considers political or liberation war credentials
but ability and selflessness. The "what-is-in-it-for me"
syndrome must be avoided at all costs if we, as Zimbabweans, want
to create a future that will be an example for Africa. There are
numerous Zimbabweans all over the world and within the country who
would be happy to contribute to the debate as long as their views
are respected and taken seriously without fear of retribution, imprisonment,
torture and even death.
An example of how ordinary
Zimbabweans and government can work together to alleviate the current
crisis is the recent launch of the Zimbabwe Health Access Trust
(ZIHAT), a collaborative initiative involving local business, professionals
and the Diaspora in restoring the country-s collapsed health-care
system. Time will tell if this bold initiative will work and then
perhaps other forms of think-tanks to tackle a variety of challenges
can be modeled along ZIHAT. An economic think-tank would certainly
be a priority to correct the inherent distortions that have been
dogging the Zimbabwean economy for the past ten years. The formation
of strategic alliances by Zimbabweans and for Zimbabweans could
create the impetus needed to begin the slow but necessary process
to re-build the once beautiful Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe-s rescue
plan is unlikely to come from the efforts of either the ruling party,
Zanu-PF or the opposition, Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
but from simple civic organizations or pressure groups like the
Combined Harare Resident-s Association (CHRA). This is so
because they are capable of mobilizing masses of ratepayers around
simple bread and butter issues like service delivery. They pick
and focus on issues that anyone can easily identify with before
calling on residents to demonstrate. Such organizations must be
supported but they need to be cautioned against the temptation of
turning into political parties. We need to exert a different kind
but perhaps more effective pressure on the ruling elite. Moreover,
there is urgent need to shift the power dynamics in order to include
capable people in policy formulation and national debates. Finally,
for survival, Zimbabweans improvise, preserve and use wisely the
little that they have with zero tolerance for wastage. Neighbors
share with those that do not have anything or lack support from
relatives in the Diaspora. The current challenge is the chronic
shortage of most basic food and other items on the formal market
forcing many to resort to the black market.
Outside
support
Zimbabweans in the Diaspora
contribute tremendously to the survival of Zimbabwe through various
creative means. For instance, families in Zimbabwe are able to receive
groceries, medicine, fuel, school fees and a variety of other essentials
through online supermarkets. One such England-based facility can
be found at www.zimbuyer.com. There are several other such websites
in the Diaspora making it possible for Zimbabweans fortunate enough
to have family overseas survive.
While the international
community continues to offer humanitarian support to the Southern
African region, donors say the humanitarian situation in Zimbabwe
is "man-made" so resources must be directed to other
more "urgent and genuine disasters" around the globe.
There is evidence of donor fatigue in every sector. According to
the World Food Programme (WFP) more than 4 million Zimbabweans will
at some point, require food aid and yet scarce resources are being
channeled to purchasing luxury vehicles for the police, secret services
and army. Government-s priorities are obviously not the nation-s
priorities.
Conclusion
A respected friend of
mine who holds a top executive position in the private sector told
me that what is happening in Zimbabwe has compelled everyone to
inadvertently resort to criminal activities because of the harsh
economic, social and political environment. As the economy continues
to slide, those in positions of power have accelerated the looting
from state coffers as though in anticipation of total collapse.
A lethal cocktail of
bad policies, intolerance, lack of a national vision and a propensity
to view the country as the personal property of a few have contributed
to the near destruction of Zimbabwe. Policies are enacted as a response
to the whims of the ruling elite. It is a vicious cycle of reviewing
bad policies through the formulation of even more damaging and ineffective
rules. The common theme in all government policies has been the
lack of acceptance and inclusion of a wide spectrum of stakeholders.
In 2007, access to state resources and privileges still remains
restricted to those with connections to the ruling party. The government
continues to enact punitive policies to induce fear and uncertainty
among ordinary Zimbabweans with no end in sight.
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