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Zimbabwe-s future
Michelle
Gavin and Knox Chitiyo, Chatham House
October 02, 2007
http://www.chathamhouse.org.uk/files/10488_021007zim.pdf
(direct link to 12 page PDF)
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I just want
to start off with a couple of disclaimers. One point to set you
at ease: while I have this ridiculous cough and may hack away during
the presentation, I am assured by a physician that I am not infectious.
So it will be annoying but it should not be alarming.
I also want
to make clear that what I have to say, these are my views; they
are not the views of the Council on Foreign Relations. What I write
in the report will be my views. It is something called a Council
Special Report and they are the views of the author. The Council
publishes them but it should not be attributed to the Council as
a body.
What I have
done is try to think about what those on the outside looking in
at Zimbabwe's crisis might do to respond that they are not doing
already. I focus particularly on the US role, obviously because
it is what I know best. I am going to just briefly describe the
thrust of my argument so that we have ample time for Q&A and
discussion.
Before I do,
and this may be a bad, cough medicine, jet lag-fuelled diversion,
I will share with you some of my thoughts as I was coming over on
the plane and looking at people reading through their newspapers
and news magazine's and whatnot. The past few weeks, I have really
been struck by how recent events in Burma, or Myanmar if you like,
shine a light on some of the same challenges as those on the outside
looking in confront with countries in crisis. Of course they are
both very compelling cases of manmade disaster, but the historical
context and internal dynamics are quite different. I am not suggesting
these are cases that are perfect parallels. But you do see in this
situation as well that those who are most outspoken in condemning
an abusive regime tend to be those with the least leverage to do
anything about effecting change and regional actors, who do potentially
possess more power to be influential, are ambivalent about the best
way forward. Their own interests in stability sometimes conflict
with momentum for change. I think here of how President Bush in
2003, during his travels in southern Africa, called South African
President Mbeki 'our point man', the US point man on Zimbabwe -
and yet our policies have been different enough that Zimbabwe has
been an irritant in the bilateral relationship, these strange mixed
messages coming through.
From the US
perspective - and I realise that Zimbabwe is a much more politically
potent issue here - but in the States we see it in some ways the
same way we see Burma, in the sense that its general profile heightens
when there is some kind of high-stakes confrontation. Suddenly it
is in the media and in the news, and we saw this in March with Zimbabwe
with the crackdown. One searches in the policy community for ways
to toughen up policy. But when the front-page stories fade, so too
does a lot of the highlevel focus and attention - which is not to
say there are not people who have been working for years on Zimbabwe
issues in the US government and in the advocacy community, but that
high-level focus and energy, the sort of pace and momentum of the
discussion, tapers off. The issue tends to be reduced frankly to
fodder for speeches in which one ticks off a list of odious regimes.
My project was
by and large about how do we get beyond playing the kind of predictable
role of the outsider with limited leverage: there to condemn what
is clearly appalling in terms of human rights abuses, denial of
civil and political rights; there to provide humanitarian assistance
and to wring our hands about the devastating economic crisis; but
not very effective in terms of helping the people of Zimbabwe move
forward. So how to go beyond rhetoric and beyond targeted sanctions
and find some new policy options.
It seems to
me that it is an important time to do this because there are a number
of factors pointing toward change on the horizon in Zimbabwe. They
are primarily internal or regional dynamics. You have the increased
regional attention with the new SADC mandate. While one can debate
the efficacy of that exercise thus far, it is a new dynamic. It
is not where we were last year or two years ago. You have the increased
unsustainability of the economic situation. You have hit that point
right where hyperinflation on the chart goes straight up - it is
not a curve anymore, it tends to go straight upward and it is very
difficult to see how this can be sustained for long. Various studies
of other countries in similar hyperinflationary scenarios suggest
that it does not go on for forever and typically there is some significant
political change.
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