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Zimbabwe
endgame
Allister Sparks
March 28, 2007
Zimbabwe’s President
Robert Mugabe faces three critical days of pressure this week, starting
with a special SADC summit in Dar es Salaam today and tomorrow,
and culminating in a meeting of the ruling ZANU-PF's Central Committee
on Friday, which together could mark the beginning of the end of
his 27-year rule over his imploding country. The endgame really
has begun.
The two meetings
represent a pincer movement from both the international community
and from within his own party to force him to withdraw as ZANU-PF's
candidate in the presidential elections due in March next year.
Initially Mugabe
was determined to postpone next year's presidential election until
2010, combining it with parliamentary elections due then in the
hope of extending his tenure for another eight years - by which
time he would be 92 years old.
But this plan
met its first rebuff during an hour-long meeting with President
Thabo Mbeki at Ghana's 50th anniversary celebrations earlier this
month, when Mbeki told him bluntly it was unacceptable to South
Africa which could not risk a major upheaval in its neighbouring
state while hosting the 2010 Soccer World Cup. On his return home
Mugabe recanted, saying he would not extend his present term but
would stand as ZANU-PF's presidential candidate in 2008.
Now that seems
unlikely. Mugabe's violent crackdown on demonstrators protesting
against the country's economic meltdown, and particularly the brutal
beating of opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, has backfired on
him.
It is a fascinating
case of cause and effect. Fearing that Tsvangirai’s mobilizing of
mass demonstrations might overwhelm him, Mugabe decided to act ruthlessly
against the demonstrators in the hope of intimidating them into
submissiveness, but instead it has inflamed international outrage
and domestic opinion against him to a potentially fatal degree.
The international
community is up in arms. A 45-nation task force, led by Britain
and the United States but including other influential nations such
as India, has put intense pressure on the 14-nation Southern African
Development Community (SADC) to take stronger action to end the
Zimbabwe catastrophe.
This has resulted
in SADC calling a two-day summit, beginning in Dar es Salaam today,
which Mugabe will attend. Indications are the summit will tell Mugabe
the economic meltdown in his country - where inflation is now running
at 1,700% and retailers are changing prices two or three times a
day - is hurting the whole region, that the influx of refugees has
reached unacceptable levels, and that he must allow a change of
leadership to take place so that an economic recovery programme
devised by the international task force can be introduced.
At the same
time Mugabe faces incipient rebellion within his own ruling party,
where senior party members and even Cabinet Ministers are feeling
the effects of the economic meltdown. The security forces, too,
are becoming restless, with significant numbers of troops having
been sent home to rural areas because the army cannot afford to
pay them. Mugabe has tried to placate senior officers with hefty
pay increases, but these, too, have quickly been negated by the
burgeoning inflation rate.
Two rival camps
have emerged within ZANU-PF, one led by the former Chief of the
Defence Force, Solomon Mujuru, whose wife, Joyce Mujuru, is Vice-President,
and the other by former Intelligence Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa.
Both want Mugabe to go, but they are in conflict over who should
succeed him. There is also a body of party elders stubbornly loyal
to Mugabe.
Of these, the
Mujuru camp appears to be the strongest. Solomon Mujuru is regarded
as the godfather of the military and still has considerable influence
over the top generals.
Solomon Mujuru
has also been in secret contact with Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of
the largest of the two factions of the divided Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC). Some analysts in Zimbabwe believe the two have formed
a secret pact. If so, it would be a formidable alliance on two levels.
Firstly, the
pair represent the two largest clans of Zimbabwe's dominant Shona
ethnic group, which is ZANU-PF’s power base -- Tsvangirai being
a Karanga, the biggest clan, and Mujuru a Zezuru, the second largest.
Secondly, while Tsvangirai could deliver the international community,
essential for any recovery programme, Mujuru could deliver much
of the military, essential for maintaining security.
The recent meeting
between Joyce Mujuru and South Africa's Deputy President, Phumzile
Mhlambo-Ngcuka, also indicates that Pretoria may be supportive of
the Mujuru camp - although President Mbeki has personal ties to
Mnangagwa, whom he invited to the ANC's last national conference
in Stellenbosch.
But whatever
the rivalries between the two camps, they are united in wanting
Mugabe to go. This may reveal itself at the first of two critical
ZANU-PF meetings today when the party’s Politburo, the inner circle
of its supremos, meets in Harare while Mugabe himself is in Dar
es Salaam. The succession issue is bound to be discussed.
This will be
followed by a meeting of the larger Central Committee on Friday,
which Mugabe will attend on his return from the SADC summit, and
where it is expected he will be confronted with a demand that he
should not be the party candidate in March 2008.
How the vote
will go on Friday remains uncertain, but I will venture a prediction.
Unless Mugabe wins at least 60% support on Friday, he can be considered
doomed. Never before has he been opposed within his own party. If
the phalanx of unanimous support is broken for the first time in
27 years, you can take it that the endgame is unfolding - as I believe
it already is.
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