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SADC
and the AU decide to side with Mugabe
Ozias Tungwarara
March 21, 2007
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The
Zimbabwean government is now openly conducting itself in an unlawful
manner with impunity under the watch of the Southern Africa Development
Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU). Both these organisations
profess to adhere to the principle of the rule of law that should
protect citizens’ basic rights such as freedom of association, assembly
and expression. There has been muted if not constipated condemnation
by the two institutions of the unprecedented onslaught on fundamental
rights in Zimbabwe in the past two weeks.
The reality
of African politics is that politicians are most reluctant to criticize
each other openly. The often cited reason is national sovereignty
and non-interference in each others domestic affairs. At another
level however, Africans acknowledge and fully accept that Africa’s
survival depends on deeper economic and political integration. For
the past decade or so sub-regional and continental bodies such as
SADC and the AU have penned an array of norms and standards that
are aimed at ensuring basic rights and consolidate democratic governance.
The problem is not about lack of standards and normative values;
the crisis is about the will to implement. There is a yawning gap
between rhetoric at regional and continental levels and practice
on the ground
Events in Zimbabwe
in the last two weeks have put the credibility of SADC and the AU
on the line as well as that of African political leadership. That
a head of state of a member state openly incites violence and condones
the most dastardly acts of violence against citizens and gets away
with it without public censure amounts to abdication of responsibility
by African leaders. During the last eight years of political turmoil
in Zimbabwe, Mugabe and his officials have conducted themselves
with little or no accountability to the citizenry and to their African
peers. Mugabe himself has openly condoned acts of violence and incited
his militia to carry out violent acts against political opponents.
What is frightening about recent events is that while in the past
the government put up a show of complying with law; this time around
they openly defy court orders and do not deny that people have been
tortured, in fact they boast about it.
African leaders
including President Thabo Mbeki have conveniently allowed themselves
to be confused by justifications that amount to no more than political
scapegoats. The moment the Zimbabwean issue is raised in sub-regional
and continental fora it is immediately framed as a race and colonial
legacy issue. While these factors have a bearing on Zimbabwe’s problems
and those of any former colony, most of the problems that Zimbabwe
faces today are a direct result of abuse of political power. Often
opposition political formations are looked upon as junior political
partners and an extension of the former colonial powers. This is
a fallacy and a myth that the Robert Mugabe regime has effectively
peddled and which institutions such as SADC and the AU have not
been able to reject. Democracy means plurality of political players.
SADC and the AU, in the context of their commitment to democracy
and good governance should insist that the Zimbabwe African National
Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) government accept that the Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) and other opposition political parties
are legitimate political forces. As long as the regional and continental
institutions remain ambivalent on the right of the opposition to
exist, Mugabe will continue to wood wink his peers.
While it should
be acknowledged that "rooftop diplomacy" is not the most
effective way to resolve situations of deep seated conflict and
tension, there is also the need not to deviate from certain fundamental
principles and values. It is very clear that the current violence
directed at members of the opposition and civil society actors is
state sponsored. The police, militia, army and security personnel
are not acting as free agents. They are receiving clear instructions
from the highest levels to act in the manner they are doing. For
SADC and the AU to remain silent on the issue of State sponsored
violence is criminal. SADC and AU member states are fully briefed
about the nature of violence in Zimbabwe. The least they can do
is to categorically state that State sponsored violence is just
not on. If regional and continental leaders choose to remain silent
when Mugabe makes statements like "we will bash them some more
if they continue to speak out" then we can only conclude that
African political leadership has made a conscious choice to side
with Mugabe and not with the people of Zimbabwe.
Members of the
Mugabe government now openly talk about how they have been seriously
marginalized in decision making processes that affect the country.
The current de facto state of emergency under which the country
is being governed is a result of political power being exercised
by the Joint Operations Command (JOC), a committee of the heads
of military and security establishments in Zimbabwe. The constitutionally
mandated decision makers have been side lined. Effectively a coup
detat has already taken place. The only bullets fired are those
directed at the civilian population that is trying to resist this
state of affairs one of which killed Gift Tandare. It will be naïve
to assume that the region and the continent are unaware of this
state of affairs. They know and have decided not to act.
In solidarity,
Ozias Tungwarara
Ozias Tungwarara
is Director of the Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project
(AfriMAP) a project of the Open Society Institute (OSI). He is a
lawyer by training. He has worked on human rights and democracy
issues at national, regional and international levels including
as Executive Director for the Zimbabwe
Human Rights Association (ZimRights), as advisor to a SADC regional
democracy program and as senior program officer with the Institute
for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) based in Stockholm.
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