| |
Back to Index
A
distant drum
Daniel
Finkelstein, The Times (UK)
February 06, 2007
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/comment/leading_article/article1336728.ece
Robert Mugabe
has been sustained in power by a military and security apparatus
that has successfully crushed the political opposition, and suppressed
popular dissent by continual, overwhelming intimidation. People
have become either too frightened to speak out against the ruin
he has brought on Zimbabwe, or too exhausted by the daily battle
for survival to protest. From the perspective of the ruling clique,
military-style campaigns such as Murambatsvina, the forcible demolition
of shantytowns two years ago that rendered some two million of the
urban poor homeless, have been highly effective. Rootless, malnourished
people make feeble opponents. An important part of Mr Mugabe’s own
strategy for survival has been to convince Zimbabweans that opposition
is futile. Up to four million have voted with their feet, fleeing
to South Africa and other neighbouring countries.
But the catastrophic
state of the Zimbabwean economy, where inflation is now 1,282 per
cent, the dollar changes hands for 20 times the official exchange
rate and an estimated 80 per cent are unemployed, is presenting
Mr Mugabe with a new challenge, against which repression is less
likely to be effective. In Zimbabwe, they call it "the politics
of the stomach", a national upsurge of despair. The Mugabe
regime, like that of North Korea, critically relies on keeping soldiers,
police, security agents and militias happy. They are happy no longer.
Mr Mugabe may not be too disturbed that doctors, nurses and teachers
are on strike for pay rises of up to 8,000 per cent; the health
services collapsed some time ago, and, in a country where education
has traditionally been highly prized, many children no longer attend
school anyway because their parents cannot afford school fees or
uniforms. Discontent among the security services and the politically
potent "veterans of the revolution" is a different matter.
The regime has
insulated these groups from the worst effects of Zimbabwe’s economic
collapse by raising their pay even faster than the spiralling inflation
rate. But that, in turn, fed inflation, and the point has been reached
where the State can no longer print money fast enough. Soldiers
whose pay no longer feeds their families are failing to report for
duty and even senior officers spend large amounts of time on the
farms given to them after the expropriation of white-owned farms.
As we report today, a confidential memorandum from the Zimbabwean
police commissioner says that 14 per cent of the force is due to
leave in March and that absenteeism is at unprecedented levels.
Elderly veterans of the 1970s independence struggle are being recalled
to the army and police to fill the gaps left by deserters — and
were given a fourfold pay increase yesterday that can only magnify
discontent in the regular security services. The army is in charge
of the hugely unpopular new policy of forcing communal farms to
grow maize which they must then sell to the military-run state marketing
board. The police still savagely repress protests, even those by
churchmen.
But the closer
that the security services’ families come to sharing the common
hardship, the greater the possibility that their men will disobey
orders that make them hated. Mr Mugabe will not go willingly. No
politician can push him out. Africa has a tradition of military
coups. The classic conditions for a coup now exist.
Please credit www.kubatana.net if you make use of material from this website.
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons License unless stated otherwise.
TOP
|