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Farm
leases have no collateral value
Eric Bloch
November 24, 2006
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/viewinfo.cfm?linkid=20&id=9110&siteid=1
IT was almost five years since the
government first stated that its policy on agricultural land tenure
would be the issue of 99-year leases to farmers, ownership of the
land being vested in the state.
Over those years, there were repeated
assurances that the issue of the leases was imminent, that the leases
would be available to all as would use the lands productively, that
they would entrench the farmers’ security of tenure and that they
would be the foundation for the long-awaited recovery of Zimbabwe’s
decimated agricultural sector.
The repute of the Zimbabwe government
for fulfilment of policies and undertakings has long been known
to be implemented (if implemented at all) at one of three speeds:
slow, very slow and stop.
However, rarely has been governmental
inaction as pronounced, and inept, as has been the case of the farm
leases. The government has almost 20 million hectares of land available
at its disposal, albeit that despite its renowned, prolific and
vociferous contentions to the contrary, most of that land was unjustly
and inequitably expropriated from legitimate farmers.
Fifteen years after enacting the Land
Acquisition Act, more than six years after declared intents
of redistribution of the expropriated lands, 20 years after much
land vested in the government as a result of purchases funded by
the United Kingdom and five years after enunciating its 99-year
lease policy, the government has granted 125 leases, encompassing
an aggregate of less than 1% of the land supposedly to be redistributed
and resettled. Big deal! What a spectacular achievement! At that
rate, all the land will have been leased to farmers by about the
year 2500!
Nonetheless, there was great blowing
of fanfares, and much ceremonial, when a fortnight ago the first
125 leases were released to the lessee farmers. Although the government
is supposed (as part of its war against inflation) to be curbing
its expenditure, it unhesitatingly hosted a massive shindig at the
Harare International Conference Centre, graced by President Robert
Mugabe, the Minister of State for Security and Lands and numerous
other ministers and dignitaries as well as a deluge from the media
(mainly state-controlled).
Mugabe implied that the issue of the
leases, as commenced that day, heralded the start of a new era for
Zimbabwe. Not only did he contend that the wrongs of more than a
century were being righted, but also that the future of agriculture
was assured.
None can credibly argue that there
were no wrongs perpetrated in the past. These included the abhorrent
Land Apportionment Act which was law for over 40 years, unjustly
and unacceptably barring indigenous and non-indigenous black Zimbabweans
from land ownership.
But there were commensurate wrongs
committed by the present government: its spurious, never-ending
contentions that whites had "stolen" the land, now expropriated
by the government, remain as specious as ever.
In fact, in its iniquitous commandeering
of land ownership, devoid of regard for international precepts of
justice, for human rights, for enforcement of law and order, and
without fair compensation, the reality is that the government has
done exactly that which it has repeatedly alleged were the offences
of the past.
However, commensurate in magnitude,
to that government offence, is that in committing it, the government
has brought the entire economy to levels commensurate with the greatest
poverty prevailing worldwide, has alienated most of the international
community and, directly relevant, reduced most Zimbabweans to near
starvation. That contrasts with only 10 years ago, when not only
did Zimbabwe wholly feed itself but also much of the region.
The tragedies do not end there.
Key factors driving a successful agricultural
economy include that the farmers have security of tenure, and that
they have access to funding the development and working capital.
It must be acknowledged that, to some extent, the leases may give
security of tenure; prima facie, they are to endure for 99 years.
That security is an essential if lessees
are to be motivated to develop and improve the farms, for none will
risk capital and effort if they fear imminent loss. But, the security
of tenure is not assured.
On the one hand, the government has
vividly demonstrated its disrespect for tenure laws, readily overturning
them, in its enactment of the Land Acquisition Act, and numerous
amendments thereto, and then implementation thereof. How can farm
lessees be assured that the government will not, in the future,
similarly renege on its leases?
On the other hand, the government also
reserves the right to terminate leases where the lessees do not
properly work and exploit the farms. In theory, there is some justification
for that right, but the inequity is that the government retains
for itself the determination whether or not the farms are effectively
used. Thus the government will be prosecutor, judge and jury while
the lessees’ rights of "defence" are minimal, not even including
an entrenched protection of "vis majeure", otherwise known as "acts
of God".
Therefore, the assurances of security
of tenure are naught but an elaborate façade, which may well
result in many not proceeding on their farm development with commitment
and conviction, whereupon the government can validly give effect
to termination provisions!
Compounding the lease farce is the
government’s contention that the leases accord the lessees collateral
to secure borrowings. That contention is founded upon provisions
that while the land may not be encumbered, the improvements thereon
can be offered as security for funding.
Furthermore, the government states
that if there is a change of lessee, then lenders can look to the
new lessee for repayment of such loans as secured by the collateral
of the improvements. The sad reality is that these provisions demonstrate
a total lack of any realistic appreciation of private-sector provision
of loan funding.
A lender needs to know that collateral
is readily realisable, should realisation be necessary in order
to recover unpaid loans. To achieve that, the collateral must be
freely disposable, albeit usually by public auction initiated by
the deputy sheriff. That is not possible in instances where a lender
defaults, but remains the farm lessee, unless the improvements are
wholly moveable.
Similarly, when a new lessee moves
on to the farm, and notwithstanding that the government states that
he will then be liable to the lender, there is no effective recourse
against him unless the improvements are moveable, or the new lessee
has other assets which can be lawfully attached and disposed of.
Therefore, despite everything the government
has said to the contrary, the farm leases have no collateral value
or, at the least, very little, and therefore the likelihood of the
financial sector being able or willing to provide the new farmers
with requisite finance is remote in the extreme.
Worsening the situation further, the
government has now abdicated from its lawful obligation to compensate
former farmers for the improvements they had effected, for it has
now transferred that obligation to the new lessees. Once again the
government is wiping its hands of legal and moral obligations. In
the process, it is burdening many lessees with unsustainable debts.
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