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Workers
power
Eddie Cross
May 04, 2006
There are many
who regard May Day as an anachronism. Something that is of an era
long ago and no longer relevant to our modern day. I could not disagree
with them more. In my personal view, the trade union movement is
just as relevant to our day as it ever was.
In a world where
more than a billion people live in absolute poverty, any employment
at any wage is preferable to being trapped in a subsistence world
from which there is no escape. But switching absolute poverty in
one economic trap with another in a different guise is no real solution.
Trade Unions
are one of the great transforming elements in our society - fighting
as they do for the rights of the lowest paid in our society and
protecting their interests against powerful interests that otherwise
would hold absolute sway over their lives.
But there are
other reasons for working towards a society where the trade unions
are well financed and professionally managed under democratically
elected leadership. In Zimbabwe I think we have witnessed the transforming
power of the Union movement in a remarkable way.
After 84 years
of rule by the small white community, the trade union movement in
Zimbabwe was a tiny fledgling. Some 30 000 workers unionized in
a total workforce of over 1,4 million and only in three industries.
The reasons were quite plain - a consistently hostile legal framework,
government and the powerful interests of the white controlled private
sector. The main reasons for this attitude by the rulers of the
day were both a justifiable fear of power centers developing in
the union movement and the desire to keep the workforce operating
at wages and under working conditions that would make labour intensive
practices viable and profitable.
With independence
in 1980, little changed. Although the new regime claimed to have
Marxist credentials and Zanu PF has always claimed to be a Marxist/Leninist
movement, they did not share the historical respect that those western
creations held for the labor movement.
The reasons
for this antipathy to the unions was simply that the new elite feared
that well organised unions would become alternative power centers
and would undermine their desire to create an almost feudal society
here where a few "chefs" would be able to lord it over the great
majority who would be impoverished feudal vassals completely dependent
on the State for their survival and therefore submissive to the
directions and will of the minority in power.
That was the
primary motivation of the Pol Pot regime in Cambodia and gave rise
to their justification of a complete purge of society of all independent
and educated thinkers and actors who were (rightly) seen as an impediment
to their schemes. Two million Cambodians died in the consequential
bloodbath.
The Zimbabwean
solution was a hybrid - the "Workers Committee". This body was given
significant new powers and employers were obliged to consult them
widely on matters affecting employment conditions. They were not
democratic and were often dominated by political elements in a company
with disastrous consequences. At the same time they exercised little
influence over national policy or even industry wide employment
conditions.
Into that situation
stepped a young textile worker who had recently switched from textiles
to the mining industry. He had little formal education and started
out at the bottom of the pile. But he had a quick and inquisitive
mind and was also a good organizer. He joined the Mineworkers Union
- one of the original three trade unions in the country and rose
rapidly through the ranks becoming Secretary General of the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions when it was finally allowed to register
after a decade of restrictions.
When I became
Chairman of the Industrial Employers in the mid 90's I had to deal
with over 30 unions in different sectors of industry employing over
300 000 workers and I found the Unions better organised and better
trained than the employer's organisations. How did this come about?
It was largely the work of a number of European trade unions that
had decided to support the Zimbabwean organisation and the efforts
of its Secretary General. They provided funds, training opportunities
and a few advisors and specialists to help develop the local structure.
In many ways
the Secretary General was a key to all this - he ran a tight ship,
there never was any hint of corruption and abuse of position and
he was a well-organised person in himself. It is one of the toughest
jobs in society to be the head of a workers Union and being head
of a Congress of Trade Unions is an even tougher job.
No one else
had the collective and institutional strength to take on what had
become a corrupt and powerful oligarchy. Attempts by elements of
civil society to challenge the power of the ruling elite were simply
brushed aside. Not this time. Again the mark of that man at the
helm of the ZCTU - broad consultation, good organisation and disciplined
action on the ground. The MDC was born and challenged the seemingly
all-powerful Zanu PF.
After March
2000 there were no more sneers about men without education and the
ability of the Zanu PF to "crush" its opponents by fair means or
foul. They had to pull out all the stops to hold onto power and
as we now know from sources in Zanu itself and from other intelligence,
Zanu only held onto power by the slimmest margin and then with the
benefit of a concerted effort to rig the vote. They had to do that
to defeat MDC in June 2000 and then in 2002 and again in 2005. Each
time watching their "real vote" slide to dismal and shameful proportions.
This year the
MDC and its civil society partners have decided that they cannot
continue to do the same things with the same outcomes - so long
as Zanu controls the management of the electoral system they will
simply not allow an MDC victory. So the team from the Unions is
about to take to the streets in an effort to finally force those
who have destroyed what was once a proud and self sufficient country
to accept that they must step aside and allow others to have a go
at getting things right.
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