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This article participates on the following special index pages:
Operation Murambatsvina - Countrywide evictions of urban poor - Index of articles
,
Operation
Murambatsvina: Zimbabwe's Man-Made Tsunami
Amanda Atwood
Extracted
from AFRICA ON CAMPUS - Winter 2005, Volume 17, No 1
December
2005
"We must
clean the country of the crawling mass of maggots bent on destroying
the economy." Augustine Chiuri Zimbabwe’s Commissioner of
Police
On 18 May 2005,
the Government of Zimbabwe launched Operation Murambatsvina, literally
meaning "sweep out the rubbish" in Shona. The government,
however, loosely translated it as "Operation Restore Order,"
claiming that this was an exercise in cleaning up Zimbabwe’s urban
areas and reducing illegal activity. In fact, Operation Murambatsvina
turned out to be a devastating attack on Zimbabwe’s already struggling
urban population, drawing international condemnation and threaten
to have lasting negative implications for Zimbabwe’s urban poor.
Operation Murambatsvina
was conducted in two phases over a two-month period. In the first
phase, the Government of Zimbabwe targeted street vendors and flea
markets, and in the second phase urban residences, particularly
in high-density areas.
Unemployment
in Zimbabwe currently runs at over 70 percent as the country undergoes
its worst economic crisis since independence in 1980, triggered
largely by President Robert Mugabe’s controversial land redistribution
program. Faced with limited prospects for formal employment, the
majority of Zimbabwean households have turned to the informal sector.
Prior to the "clean up" operation, vendors operated on
every urban street corner and within "People’s Markets"
designated by local officials for authorized vending. Selling a
wide range of goods from vegetables to furniture, these vendors,
many of whom were registered with the government and paid licensing
fees, supported hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans. All of this
changed dramatically in May 2005 when urban traders were targeted
in wave after wave of police crackdowns. Vendors were chased off
street corners, indoor and outdoor flea markets, and even the people’s
markets of registered vendors. Goods were seized by the police or
destroyed on the spot, bulldozers razed market stalls, over 20,000
vendors were arrested, and the UN estimates some 32,538 people lost
their livelihoods. Almost overnight, the character of cities and
towns was transformed as thriving market areas were destroyed.
Murambatsvina
didn’t stop with vendors. In phase II of the operation, the government
targeted the homes of millions of Zimbabweans, primarily poor people
living in high-density urban areas. Police stormed these neighborhoods
while bulldozers tore through destroying entire communities in one
fell swoop. In Mabvuku, police instructed residents to destroy their
own homes or risk fines, arrest or physical beatings. Cowed by years
of police intimidation, the residents complied. In Hatcliffe, residents
were ordered to remove their personal belongings from their homes
and then to burn them to the ground. Even housing cooperatives that
were "officially" launched by the government were completely
demolished. At least 2.4 million Zimbabweans were indirectly affected
by the campaign, and an estimated 569,685 men, women and children
were rendered homeless in the process, just as Zimbabwe reached
its coldest months.
But surely
Zimbabweans did not just stand by as the police swept in and tore
their homes to the ground? In the early days of Operation Murambatsvina,
there were isolated acts of resistance in confrontation with the
police. Some residents in high-density areas placed burning tires
as roadblocks and engaged police in running battles, throwing stones
in an effort to keep the police out of their neighborhoods. The
police responded brutally with tear gas, riot dogs and baton sticks,
eventually forcing protestors into submission.
Response by
civil society was poorly organized and ineffective. A broad alliance
of civil society organizations, including the trade unions, student
groups and other civic groups tried to organize a stay-away (strike)
against Operation Murambatsvina and the ongoing economic and political
crisis, but it was poorly organized and even more poorly adhered
to although Operation Murambatsvina targeted opposition strongholds.
Like the exhausted travelers’ described in Michela Wrong’s latest
book on Eritrea, "I didn’t do it for you: how the world betrayed
a small African nation," Zimbabweans appear to have succumbed
to several years of intimidation and repression under Mugabe’s regime
seemingly "past caring and anger having long since given way
to exhaustion."
After violently
gaining control over Zimbabwe’s urban communities, the government
launched Operation Garikai/Hlalani Kuhle ("beautiful life").
In this campaign, the government has pledged to build new services
and hygienic flea markets for vendors and homes for the millions
of now homeless urban residents. Government reports estimate that
it will take 2-3 years to rebuild what was destroyed in two months.
In the meantime,
vendors are struggling to rebuild their businesses. Strict new requirements
for registration have made it much more difficult for them to get
permits while licensing fees are prohibitive. In addition, restocking
costs are beyond the reach of many if not most. Many residents have
returned to the same spots they were before Operation Murambatsvina
and have to start from scratch. Families that used to live in brick
homes with solid roofs now live in flimsy wooden or plastic shacks.
Recently, the Minister for Local Government who implemented Operation
Murambatsvina, sent a request to donors to fund the purchase of
tens of thousands of wooden pre-fabricated garden sheds. The sheds
are intended to replace the brick homes that the government destroyed.
Others continue to live at "holding areas," poorly serviced
tent camps where Zimbabweans are forced to live like refugees in
their own country.
What is the
way forward? Zimbabwe’s already struggling urban population has
been dealt a severe blow. Following Operation Murambatsvina, they
are now even less able to care for themselves or their extended
families in the rural areas as before. The UN reckons that as many
as 4 million of Zimbabwe’s 12 million residents will require food
aid in the coming months, and even the government, ever reluctant
to admit wrongdoing, has acknowledged that two million Zimbabweans
will need food aid. Skyrocketing inflation, a telling sign of an
economy now in its sixth year of recession, hit 411 percent in October,
according to Zimbabwe’s Central Statistical Office. The fuel shortage
has become a fuel outage, while school fees have increased by 1000
percent.
Zimbabwe’s man-made
"tsunami," as many Zimbabweans call it, may not have received
the same media coverage as other disasters, but its impact on individuals’
lives and futures is profound.
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