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Finding
a better way for Africa
Franklin
Cudjoe
July 25, 2005
http://www.thestar.co.za/index.php?fSectionId=225&fArticleId=2638362
World leaders gathered
in Gleneagles, Scotland, to discuss the great issues of the day and had
their deliberations cruelly interrupted.
However, Make Poverty
History (MPH) campaigners had already cashed in on their much-publicised
emotional tirade against what they believe perpetuates poverty in Africa:
debts, free trade and insufficient aid.
The US government
had already announced that it would scrap cotton subsidies it has long
given to the US farmers after the WTO ruled these were illegal.
This undoubtedly will
boost the economies of sub-Saharan cotton producers but paradoxically,
MHP campaigners urge poor nations to erect high tariffs against Western
imports.
Millions more dollars
will be committed to fighting diseases on the continent.
But what matters more
is what poor countries can do for themselves. In that regard we can learn
much from the
mistakes of others.
In the 1950s and 1960s,
governments of many countries in Africa and Latin America erected trade
barriers.
The plan was to enable
the industries of their countries to grow, "protected" from
outside competition. What actually
happened was the opposite.
Although the industries
in these "protected" countries grew for a short period, the
lack of competition meant that their industries became inefficient and
fell behind the rest of the world.
Also, because imports
were very expensive or even unavailable, their costs of production rose
as they were stuck using old technologies.
Soon these "protected"
industries were producing goods that few people wanted, exports fell and,
in many cases, the industries - usually run by friends of the president
- had to be subsidised by the state in order to keep them afloat.
Governments paid for
these subsidies by taxing farmers (either directly or by forcing farmers
to sell to marketing boards) and by borrowing - one of the reasons why
so many African and Latin American countries have such large debts.
Some governments,
such as Brazil's, printed money to pay off the debt and this led to hyperinflation,
reduced confidence
in the economy and caused massive disinvestment.
The lesson we should
learn from this is that governments should not try to create national
champions by "protecting" them from competition or by subsidising
them.
This can be applied
to wealthy countries, that currently "protect" farmers with
tariffs and subsidies, and lower-income countries as well, that are egged
on by various Western NGOs to protect infant-industries.
Brazil is an interesting
case. It had one of the most extreme "import substitution" programmes
in the 1950s and 1960s, which lead to a ballooning debt during the 1970s
followed by hyperinflation and, finally, massive debt rescheduling.
After a bout of good
economic governance in the 1990s, it has been growing steadily as a result.
But there are some
signs of a return to the old days. Brazil's government recently announced
that it plans to break patents on Aids drugs. It claims that it wants
to reduce the cost of providing drugs to 180 000 people with HIV.
But if it wanted to
do that, would it not be better to negotiate a price differentiation scheme
with the manufacturers, rather than forcing the production of drugs locally?
This smacks of a return to the bad old protectionist policies of yesteryear.
But there is another,
more disturbing aspect to the decision to break patents.
Brazil currently benefits
from the billions of dollars pumped into the development of Aids medicines
by the research-based pharmaceutical industry.
As the incidence of
HIV/Aids in wealthy countries gradually declines, so demand for new drugs
in those countries will wane.
Yet Aids remains a very serious problem in many poorer countries, including
Brazil.
What would happen
if all poorer countries chose to break the patents on Aids medicines?
I'll tell you: there would be few if any new Aids medicines.
Research-based drug
firms seem to be taking notice of unfavourable market conditions for Aids
medicines created by the governments of Brazil and some other countries.
Fewer and fewer drug
companies are engaged in Aids research as they have been characterised
as killers of babies in Africa and find little attraction in continuing
research.
Over the past six
years the number of HIV/Aids medicines and vaccines in the pipeline has
decreased by over 30%.
In 1999 there were
125 drugs and vaccines in the R&D pipeline; today there are fewer
than 85.
This is worrying because
resistance to existing Aids medicines is continuously rising and better
new medicines will be needed to keep people alive in the future.
Instead of pursuing
dubious industrial policies by breaking patents, the governments of middle-income
countries should be paying a fair price for the medicines they buy - otherwise
there will be no more medicines with which to treat Aids patients in the
future.
This is of particular
concern to the people of Africa, because more than half of the global
number of persons infected with HIV/Aids reside on this continent - and
most of them do not have access to drugs.
In a discussion with
Richard Tren of Africa Fighting Malaria, he revealed that the South African
government (and people in the Nepad secretariat) are very keen to increase
the amount of generic drugs.
Yet simply producing
something locally does not mean that it will be cheaper or more accessible
than importing it. Supporting more white elephants is not what Africans
need, especially when the likelihood is that access to medicines will
not improve.
Given the removal
of several Indian-produced generic Aids medicines from the WHO pre-qualification
list, governments should also be extra vigilant about the quality of the
generic drugs; setting up lots of local production units may not guarantee
good quality or good prices.
In the short term,
the unfortunate reality is that the situation in Africa will not change
much.
Distributing drugs
to all of those who would benefit from them is likely to be too costly
and difficult.
A major problem is
that in most African countries, the health infrastructure is simply too
poorly developed to be able reliably to deliver Aids medications to great
numbers of people.
For us in Africa,
the real nuts to crack are excessive government regulations, poor education,
punitive local taxes on drugs and poor health infrastructure both in terms
of personnel and resources.
It is significant
to note also that most HIV/Aids victims in Africa especially cannot afford
decent meals, or clean water to help gulp down antiretrovirals.
*Franklin Cudjoe
is the Director of Imani: the Centre for Humane Education in Ghana. For
more information, visit their website, www.imanighana.org
Please credit www.kubatana.net if you make use of material from this website.
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons License unless stated otherwise.
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