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The
fragile lives and the dictator
Eugene
Soros, Worldpress.org
September 16, 2004
http://www.worldpress.org/article_model.cfm?article_id=2056&dont=yes
The Zimbabwean
National army moved into the sprawling town of Chitungwiza at dusk.
Heavily armored vehicles and soldiers with automatic rifles lumbered
through the streets. As they passed through Mavis Chirombe’s homestead,
a child called out: "Soldiers are coming!" The cry was
met with silence from the 50-year-old grandmother.
For some Zimbabweans,
the coming of the soldiers means a diminished ability to be really
happy. For others, it brings recurring nightmares with images of
torture lurking in their minds again and again. For everyone involved,
the experience greatly reduces one’s faith in humanity and raises
serious moral questions.
In the days
that followed the mass protests and stay-aways of last June, bitter
memories of previous protests shot up into Mavis Chirombe’s life.
"I fought
death 20 years ago," said Chirombe. "I am still trying
to and I still need some pills to put me to sleep. I lost a son
in 1982. He was beaten to death. The reason being that we then were
supporters of Zimbabwe African People’s Union [the late Joshua Nkomo’s
Zapu-PF, the strongest opposition party in 1980 to President Robert
Mugabe’s Zanu-PF] of which we were members and weapons of war had
been found on its farms."
Soon she breaks
down, and every word is told in tears.
"I do not
think things will be the same again," she says with much disdain.
Mugabe’s rule
has become perilous for women, who are frequently raped, forced
into marriage because of food shortages and economic hardships,
or subjected to degrading and inhuman treatment. A case in point
was when soldiers ordered unknown couples to engage in sexual intercourse
at a public nightclub in one of Chitungwiza’s shopping centers.
Barbara, who
says we cannot use her full name, recounted an incident when soldiers
were ordered to search her: "They literally touched every part
of my body. I felt like screaming, but I was afraid of being beaten-up.
I wonder if the armed forces have any women members these days."
Julia Muskwe,
39, was forcibly stripped of her shirt at gunpoint before sympathizers
jumped to her rescue and questioned why the soldiers were undressing
her. Julia now hardly moves away from her home in unit G Chitungwiza.
Mavis Tapera’s
(UMP District) assailants ordered her out of her house at night
and used a knife to cut off her petticoat, leaving her clad in only
her underwear. Her assailants brutally assaulted her sexually, and
ordered her to imitate demeaning sexual maneuvers. Later, her assailants
returned her to her home.
Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga,
a local Member of Parliament (MP) and gender activist said violence
over the past two years and the economic situation have left many
women vulnerable and homebound: "Even in parliament we have
now stopped raising gender issues until we have addressed the issue
of bread and butter and the people’s security."
Amani Trust,
a local non-governmental organisation that assists survivors of
political violence, revealed that more than a thousand people have
sought shelter with them since 2000. A majority of these victims
of violence and displacement were women.
"Research
shows that women are the easiest targets of political violence,
but because of their resilience most women remain indoors and rarely
report the matters to the police," said Amani Trust Advocacy
Officer Joseph Nherera. In rural areas most women who speak to journalists
are consciously risking their lives. "Mwanangu! Tinosara thichiona
ndondo (we will see fire when you are gone)."
Since coming
to power in 1980, Mugabe has made it clear that people who do not
subscribe to his ideologies and party, the Zimbabwe African National
Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF), will be persecuted in one way or
another.
In 1982, under
the guise of a clamp down on rebels, Mugabe sent in a special army
brigade trained by the North Koreans. But its real purpose was to
deal with the Ndebele opposition Zimbabwe African People’s Union-Patriotic
Front (Zapu-PF). The brigade’s activities were secret but 20 years
later, human rights investigators reported that more than 20,000
Ndebeles had been slaughtered — some raped, many shot and bayoneted
in random public executions.
Although some
of the victims of Mugabe’s whims have fought their cases in court
and won, they still live in constant fear and apprehension.
"The fact
that Mugabe is still at the helm of things in Zimbabwe does not
help matters," said Dareni Tomu, an opposition activist and
Muskwe’s friend. "His thugs are still immune from the full
wrath of the law."
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