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Xenophobic violence: Myths and facts
Forced Migration Studies Programme, Wits University
May 22 , 2008

South Africa is currently experiencing xenophobic violence on an unprecedented scale. Today's presidential decision to call on the armed forces shows that these events will lead to dramatic changes in South Africa's social and political landscape. In this context, it is vital that we base policy discussion on fact, and sound research, not speculation and myth.

With this in mind the Forced Migration Studies Programme registers its concern at the following ideas currently being floated in the media:

'Totally unexpected attacks'
Various commentators have reacted to the recent high intensity attacks on non-nationals as if they were a new and surprising phenomenon. This view is epitomized by Deputy Foreign Minister Aziz Pahad's statement that 'I believe it is a matter of record that the police, and reservists, in very difficult circumstances have attempted to do their best in dealing with what has been a totally unexpected phenomenon in our country.'

These remarks should be questioned in light of the well-documented national trend towards organized, mass violence against foreigners in townships and informal settlements. The media has consistently drawn our attention to this ongoing problem. Organizations such as the Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in South Africa have long called on government to adopt a more pro-active response. It is not the time for 'I told you so' accusations. Nevertheless, it is misleading and unhelpful to represent the current violence in Gauteng as isolated and unexpected. These statements divert our attention from the failure of government to respond to long-standing and clear indications of a serious problem.

'The Third Force'
The shocking nature and scale of recent violence have given rise to widespread speculation about the involvement of a so-called 'Third Force'. This reference to clandestine and counter-revolutionary militias of the Apartheid era has been used to suggest significant levels of coordination and orchestration behind the attacks. Such claims have been attributed to members of the NEC, Cabinet and local government.

These discussions cloud and sensationalize the true nature of recent violence. Our research has shown that violence against foreigners has usually been orchestrated locally by groups and individuals seeking to capitalize on residents' fears and suspicions. Our work also supports the SAHRC's contention that there is a 'copy-cat' dynamic at play, where groups and individuals mimic counterparts in other areas of the province or country. Subsequent investigations may reveal instances of co-operation and co-ordination between the various sites where violence has occurred. However, if there is evidence to date that these events were planned and orchestrated by a single organization or individual, they need to be substantiated and made public. If not, the 'Third Force' reference simply detracts our attention from the serious inter-ethnic and inter-communal animosities and grievances that have caused violence across the country.

'Border control is the solution'
Many of the perpetrators of the violence have explained their actions as attempts to compensate for the lack of border control. Some commentators have picked up on this concern to suggest that incompetent border management has encouraged recent violence. For example, the Institute of Race Relations argues: 'Poor policy decisions and simple incompetence in border policing . . . contributed directly to the presence of a large illegal population in South Africa. Without adequate legal standing in the community, these people became easy or soft targets for mob violence.'

This claim, which is supported by a call for additional border controls, papers over the fact that South Africa has been pouring huge amounts of additional resources into border control over the past few years, particularly on the Limpopo River. In 2006 [the latest figures] South Africa deported over a quarter of a million people, a hike of more than 56 000 on the previous year. This costs taxpayers a lot of money - how much, we simply don't know. And yet, we still have large numbers of people classified as illegal living in South Africa. The problem is not that South Africa has not been patrolling borders and arresting 'illegals', it is that these sorts of policy responses just don't work. Instead, we should be trying to integrate non-nationals into South Africa, beginning with the idea of providing some form of temporary protection to Zimbabwean nationals fleeing the crisis in their country.

'Helping our Southern African brothers and sisters'
Writing in a more generous spirit, many people have argued that the reason why we have to end xenophobic violence has to do with the repayment for debts incurred to frontline states during the Apartheid era.

While it is true that South Africa owes much to its neighbours, the logic of this argument tacitly endorses xenophobia against those who do not come from Southern Africa. Although many of the recent attacks have targeted Zimbabweans and Mozambicans, previous violence have claimed victims from Somalia, Pakistan, China, and elsewhere in the world. The reason we shouldn't attack people is not because they once helped South Africa. Rather, it is because they are part of our society and that we have made constitutional and moral commitments to protect the rights of all who live in South Africa regardless of race, religion, or nationality.

The Forced Migration Studies Programme calls on all South Africans to exert caution in the way they represent the crisis and to seek to promote reasoned debate on policy options. With this in mind, we call on the President to ensure that the expert panel to investigate the recent attacks and develop government responses should not only involve government officials but civil society representatives who have been investigating this issue for some time.

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