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Texting,
tweeting, mobile Internet - New platforms for democratic debate
in Africa
Fesmedia
Africa
July 27, 2011
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Summary
New media platforms
are changing how people communicate with each other around the world.
However, there is great variation in both the kind of communication
platforms people make use of as well as in how they access these
platforms. Computer ownership and internet access are still the
prerogative of the wealthy few in wide swathes of the African continent.
All the same, mobile internet access is on the rise and if current
growth rates continue, African mobile phone penetration will reach
100 per cent by 2014.
Mobile phone
penetration rates, in particular, have resulted in a plethora of
ideas for new media platforms aimed at bridging the information
divide between the well-connected and the disconnected. Topic areas
range from agriculture and conservation to health and human rights.
In addition to mobile phone-based platforms, there is also a number
of promising internet-based ones.
Both mobile
phones and the internet provide exciting new opportunities for one-to-one
as well as one-to-many communication. Newly empowered citizen journalists
now report on issues and events relevant to their own communities.
Political activists take to the web to gather support and organise
rallies. Increasingly, ordinary citizens take on tasks previously
carried out by professionals.
One concern
raised in this context is the matter of quality standards and a
code of ethics. There is a feeling among some professional journalists
that average citizens are unable to report in a professional manner
because of their lack of training. However, experience has shown
that journalistic training is not able to guarantee good conduct
at all times. Even with relevant codes of ethics in place, countries
like Rwanda and Kenya have seen hate campaigns sanctioned by traditional
media outlets in the past. The promotion of media literacy and educational
measures may therefore be more suited to tackle these issues.
International
development agencies can become active in a number of ways in order
to support the recent development in new media platforms. Promoting
media literacy, lobbying for affordable mobile phone and broadband
tariffs and increasing the audiences of alternative citizen media
are just some of the possible fields of activity.
Introduction
Much has been
said and written in recent years about the potential of Information
and Communication Technologies (ICTs) for international development
cooperation and the new media landscapes they have helped shape
around the globe. In an initial phase, the sheer scope of practical
applications of ICTs in the development context sent experts and
laymen alike into a state of euphoria. This excitement, however,
died down soon enough and gave way to the realisation that crucial
obstacles on the technology-powered road towards development had
been ignored. A stage of disillusionment and re-assessment followed.
A recent working
paper from the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC)
evaluates the organisation's work in the field of ICTs and
media and reaches a series of conclusions that amount to a paradigm
shift. According to the authors of the study, technology itself
is not suited to make a difference in the practice of international
development. It is rather "the economic and social processes
behind the technology that drive [ . . . ] the change. Thus, ICTs
are instrumental, not a goal in [themselves].This realisation represents
a shift away from previous thinking which underscored the significance
of new technologies to the development context without providing
relevant strategies to implement them in a meaningful manner.
One phenomenon
which has been linked to both the proliferation of new technologies
as well as an underlying social change in human societies is the
rise of social media. Karim Khashaba, an Egyptian political analyst
and researcher, traces a shift towards a greater degree of openness
in the relationships of young people in Egypt. Research conducted
under the auspices of the British Council showed that "some
[young Egyptians] were seizing the virtual space to better express
themselves away from the 'restrictions' they faced in
reality, or 'offline', especially in terms of politics
and opposite-sex relationship issues. Research also showed that
such practices online could have knock-on effects in the real world.
Other authors
have cast doubt on the ability of online phenomena to transcend
into offline reality. Appraising the role of social media in the
context of social movements, Malcolm Gladwell of the New Yorker
argues that due to their weak group ties and general lack of hierarchy,
Facebook, Twitter and others are unlikely to spark social revolution.
Interestingly, the on-going upheavals in the Arab world seem to
be benefitting in no small measure from the level of connectivity
supplied by social media. However, the involvement of these new
communication platforms in the precipitation of change is largely
incidental and unpremeditated. Facebook and Twitter were not designed
with political activism in mind. They just happen to provide astounding
new opportunities for group communication.
As unrest gathers
pace across the African continent, seemingly spreading to countries
south of the Sahara, the significance of social media as perceived
by African governments is highlighted by measures such as the banning
of Twitter's SMS service by Cameroonian authorities. In order
to pre-empt popular uprisings in the run-up to the presidential
elections in 2011, Cameroon forced mobile phone operator MTN to
end its partnership with Twitter. The micro-blogging website had
previously provided a service to Cameroonian users allowing followers
to subscribe to automatic SMS updates. This meant that twitterers
could reach their followers irrespective of whether those were online
or not. As long as their mobile phones were active, followers were
able to receive instant SMS updates from the users they followed
on Twitter. This technology is said to have played a significant
role in the coordination of the Egyptian protests that led to the
ousting of Hosni Mubarak.
Prior to the
Twitter SMS ban, Cameroon had already seen its own protests on 23
February 2011 when the government enforced a total media blackout
which had international media outlets resorting to Twitter for news
coverage on the ongoing events in the country. However, as Dibussi
Tande points out, the Cameroonian government failed to understand
the true nature of the news breach as 95% of the tweets which the
international media relied on for updates did not originate from
within Cameroon. It was information obtained via mobile phones,
regular SMS and email which ended up on Twitter and not real-time
tweets from activists on the ground.
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