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MISA-Zimbabwe statement on media freedom
MISA-Zimbabwe
June 25, 2010
Introduction
A free media
is a critical component in the creation and maintenance of a healthy
and vibrant democracy. It plays a key monitoring, evaluation and
watchdog role over both private and public institutions.
In functioning
democracies, a free media thus contributes to greater accountability,
good governance and socio-economic and political development. However,
to achieve this feat, the constitution as the supreme law of the
land ought to explicitly guarantee media freedom as well as the
citizens' full enjoyment of their right to freedom of expression
and access to information through a free, diverse, pluralistic and
independent media.
Although Section
20 (1) of the Zimbabwean
constitution makes provision for the right to freedom of expression,
it does not sufficiently guarantee and protect this right and other
media freedoms. This leaves room for Zimbabweans to infer on what
their entitlements are under this particular provision. To make
matters worse, Section 20 (2) then imposes wide limitations to the
enjoyment of the same rights.
It is therefore
MISA-Zimbabwe's strong submission on the need for an overhaul of
repressive media laws such as the Access
to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), Public
Order and Security Act (POSA), Broadcasting
Services Act (BSA) and Criminal
Law (Codification and Reform) Act, among others as well as Section
20 of the current constitution and Section 100N-P inserted by Constitutional
Amendment No. 19. This will ensure that the country's statutes
fully provide for the protection of the aforementioned rights.
Please find
below justifications on why Zimbabwe needs a new constitutional
provision that explicitly guarantees media freedom, freedom of expression
and access to information.
No explicit
guarantee of freedom of information and access to information in
s20
(1) of the
Zimbabwean Constitution.
One of the shortcomings
of the Zimbabwean constitution is that whilst it makes mention of
the right to freedom of expression, it does not however explicitly
guarantee the right to access to information as well as media freedom
as stated in key human rights instruments such as the African
Charter on Human and People's Rights and the Banjul Declaration
of Principles of Freedom of Expression in Africa. Instead, Section
20 (1) vaguely infers to these rights which it lumps together as
follows:
No person
shall be hindered in the enjoyment of his freedom of expression,
that is to say, freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart
ideas and information without interference, and freedom from interference
with his correspondence.
Legal precedent
has clearly demonstrated the inadequacy of Section 20 as it can
and has been construed in a manner that abridges the right to freedom
of the media because of its open-ended construction, which permits
varied interpretations as to whether or not freedom of expression
necessarily covers media freedom.
Limitations
clause too widely drawn.
The limitations
clause is too widely drawn such that it permits an abridgement of
the very rights that the constitution ought to protect due to its
overbroad limitations clause provided for under Section 20 (2).
MISA-Zimbabwe
is cognisant of the fact that the right to freedom of expression
is not an absolute and unlimited right. However, the restrictions
in the Zimbabwean Constitution are too widely drawn. Restrictions
on freedom of expression can be imposed in the interests of defence,
public safety, public order, the economic interests of the State,
public morality or public health.
In addition
these can be imposed for purposes of protecting the reputations,
rights and freedoms of other persons or the private lives of persons
concerned in legal proceedings; preventing the disclosure of information
received in confidence; maintaining the authority and independence
of the courts or tribunals or [Parliament]. Other restrictions pertain
to regulating the technical administration, technical operation
or general efficiency of telephony, telegraphy, posts, wireless
broadcasting or television or creating or regulating a monopoly
in these fields; in the case of correspondence, preventing the unlawful
dispatch therewith of other matter; or that imposes restrictions
on public officers.
In this respect
the constitution therefore permits much wider limitations on freedom
of expression than is permitted under international law in that
it sets out several grounds for such limitations. While the constitution
affords the right to freedom of expression as set out in Section
20(1), it nevertheless gives the state the power to take away that
same right through the over-broad limitations clause which enables
the state to justify its abridgement of the right through the plethora
of limitations imposed on the right.
No safeguard
against abuse/erroneous application of the limitations clause.
The guideline
stated in Section 20 (1) that limitations should be "reasonably
justifiable," is an inadequate safeguard against wide and arbitrary
interpretations which may permit the infringement of the constitutionally
guaranteed rights. Instead, there should be a qualification that
such limitations ought to be "necessary in a democratic society"
as employed by other countries and as set by regional and international
human rights instruments.
The
provision in s20 (1) falls way below set standards of human rights
instruments and provisions in other constitutions.
In its current
form, Section 20 does not meet the standards of a number of regional
and international human rights instruments on the right to freedom
of expression, media freedom and access to information. Zimbabwe
is a signatory to instruments such as the Banjul Declaration on
Principles of Freedom of Expression in Africa. On the other hand,
the South African, Malawian, Namibian and Mozambican constitutional
provisions on freedom of expression amply demonstrate how the Zimbabwean
provision is retrogressive due to the absence of explicit provisions
for media freedom and the right to access information. These are
clearly crafted such that each right is separately provided for
and thus can be independently claimed.
An example is
the Mozambican constitution which provides as follows:
All citizens
shall have the right to freedom of expression and to freedom of
the press as well as the right to information. Freedom of the
press shall include in particular the freedom of journalistic
expression and creativity, access to sources of information, protection
of professional independence and confidentiality, and the right
to publish newspapers and other publications.
Current
constitutional provisions perpetuate statutory regulation hamper
media freedom
The provisions
of Section 100N-P brought in by Constitution Amendment No.19 on
the statutory Zimbabwe Media Commission (ZMC), deprives the media
of its independence and autonomy. Such a provision should not be
part of a democratic constitution as the notion of statutory regulation
of the media clearly is an affront to democracy.
On the other
hand, this position cannot be altered by other complementary pieces
of legislation as they become unconstitutional should they provide
for anything inconsistent with the constitution. Therefore, a review
of this provision is required.
Lack
of explicit constitutional guarantees result in oppressive legislation
that violates media freedom and the right to access to information.
The lack of
explicit guarantees of media freedom and access to information in
the current constitution has a negative cascading effect on media
legislation and policies. These have been scantly formulated in
a manner that is detrimental to the enjoyment of these rights. This
inadequacy is clearly evidenced by the promulgation of repressive
of pieces of legislation such as Access to Information and Protection
of Privacy Act (AIPPA), Public Order and Security Act (POSA), Official
Secrets Act (OSA), Interception
of Communications Act (ICA) and the Criminal Law (Codification
and Reform) Act, among others.
The
provisions of s20 results in wide interpretations prejudicial to
the enjoyment of media freedoms
The absence
of specific guarantees to the aforementioned rights also has a serious
cross-cutting effect on the manner in which the right to freedom
of expression is technically construed or interpreted by the judiciary.
Legal precedent in Zimbabwe clearly demonstrates that the courts
have had to use their discretion to infer these rights within the
contemplation of Section 20 and this is unacceptable for a constitution
whose provisions should be explicit and certain.
Opportunities
presented by present constitution
making process
For as long
as the constitution does not guarantee media freedom, rights such
as access to information and media freedom cannot be enjoyed and
let alone be demanded. The constitution making process therefore
offers a window of opportunity to address the deficiencies in our
supreme law more so as it pertains to media freedom, freedom of
expression and access to information given the critical role played
by the media in the democratisation process.
Conclusion
It is therefore
clear that the need for explicit constitutional guarantees of media
freedom, freedom of expression and the right to access to information
as well as the promulgation of democratic laws that facilitate the
enjoyment of these basic liberties in line with regional instruments
on free expression is long overdue. The benchmarks are clearly stated
in terms of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (ACHPR),
Windhoek Declaration, Banjul Declaration on Principles of Freedom
of Expression in Africa and the African Charter on Broadcasting
(ACB).
The current
constitution making process therefore offers immense opportunity
for redress of the deficiencies and shortcomings of the Zimbabwean
constitution as it pertains to explicit guarantees on media freedom,
freedom of expression and the right to access to information held
by both public and private bodies.
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the MISA-Zimbabwe fact
sheet
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