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Weekly
Media Update 2009-19
Monday May 11th - Sunday May 17th 2009
Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
May 22, 2009
General
comment
While the Media Monitoring Project welcomes the rare acknowledgement
of its activities by the state media and government, it deplores
their selective use of its reports to deflect criticism of the public
media's evident violation of their public service mandate,
particularly in covering the activities of the parties in the coalition
government.
For example,
as this report was being compiled, ZBC stations (19/5, 4-8pm) widely
reported Information Minister Webster Shamu citing, out of context,
a section of MMPZ's Weekly Media Update No.18 to dismiss as
"untrue" and "unjustified" the MDC-T's
complaints over the public media's unfair coverage of its
activities.
They recorded
him narrowly quoting the public media's sourcing patterns
as contained in the MMPZ report, showing that the official media
gave more space to government officials from the MDC-T as compared
to other parties in the coalition authority in the week of May 4th
to May 10th 2009.
The minister
then claimed it was "astonishing" for the MDC-T, which
was represented in the Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee
(JOMIC), to issue "parallel statements when JOMIC has acknowledged
the role the public media is playing in supporting the inclusive
government".
While it is
true that the official media quoted the MDC-T more than its government
counterparts that week, Minister Shamu was guilty of separating
the quantitative statistics of the report from its inseparable qualitative
analysis, thus distorting our findings on the media's adherence
to acceptable journalistic standards in covering the coalition partners'
activities in the unity government.
An honest read
of MMPZ's contextual analysis clearly shows that while the
MDC-T was the dominant voice in the state media, it was largely
quoted in the context of these media's thrust to portray the
new government as united over the source of country's problems
and requisite solutions. Expressions of impatience with the coalition's
inability to fully implement the conditions of the Global
Political Agreement were largely censored.
In fact, this
professional distortion of the facts has characterized the state
media's coverage of the coalition government since its inception
and has distorted the realities of instability in the government,
its causes and the exact positions of the parties.
MMPZ views this
abuse of its findings as an attempt to give credence to the unethical
conduct of the state media, which have, so far, failed to fully
abide by the GPA's demands that they provide "balanced
and fair coverage to all political parties".
The
public and private Press
Anxiety over the coalition government's failure to resolve
its protracted differences and harness its energies towards rebuilding
the country remained a widely debated issue in the media, although
stories on Zimbabwe's socio-economic problems were numerically
a more popular subject. See Fig 1.
Fig 1:
Topical issues in the print media
| Publication |
Inclusive
government |
Socio-economic
issues |
Party
politics |
Human
rights abuses |
| The Herald
|
23 |
42 |
4 |
4 |
| Chronicle
|
17 |
15 |
3 |
1 |
| The Manica
Post |
3 |
7 |
0 |
2 |
| The Sunday
Mail |
4 |
11 |
0 |
0 |
| Sunday
News |
4 |
5 |
1 |
0 |
| The Financial
Gazette |
3 |
3 |
2 |
1 |
| The Zimbabwean
|
9 |
8 |
1 |
9 |
| Zimbabwe
Independent |
9 |
9 |
1 |
5 |
| The Standard
|
3 |
4 |
0 |
5 |
| Zimbabwean
On Sunday |
13 |
11 |
1 |
4 |
| Total |
88 |
115 |
13 |
31 |
The government
papers continued to play down this political friction despite their
crippling effects on government operations by magnifying the qualified
impression given by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai that most disputes
had been addressed.
As a result,
they dismissed concerns by the MDC-T, civil society and the West
over delays in the resolution of outstanding issues under the Global
Political Agreement and other fresh differences as unwarranted
and part of the West's "illegal" regime change
agenda in Zimbabwe. No proof of this was given.
One of the most
blatant examples of this was The Herald's attempt (18/5) to
portray as premature an MDC-T resolution appealing to SADC and the
AU (guarantors of the power-sharing deal) for arbitration following
what the party considered to be ZANU PF's reluctance to deal
decisively with the outstanding issues. Notably, none of the government
papers gave a full account of the resolutions issued following an
urgent meeting of the MDC-T national executive council, or assessed
the validity of its concerns.
The Herald's
headline, 'Tsvangirai bows to party pressure on sticking issues'
(18/5) appeared intent on isolating the MDC-T leader from his party
by suggesting he had been pressurized into toeing the party line
against his better judgment. To support this perspective the story
used Tsvangirai's earlier remarks dismissing reports that
his party had given the three political principals a "deadline"
to solve the outstanding issues to illustrate the premature nature
of the party's decisions. The paper also reminded its readers
that Tsvangirai had stated that "95 percent" of these
issues had been resolved and an announcement was due to be made
soon. However, the paper failed to reconcile this perspective with
a series of failed meetings between the coalition partners to resolve
their differences and Tsvangirai's own contemporary comment
that "I totally agree with the decision that has been made
by my party . . . "
While The Herald
(11/5) defensively reported that the scheduled announcement on the
resolutions to the disputed issues had been delayed because "President
Mugabe was hosting a delegation from the Democratic People's
Republic of Korea", the paper censored news of the earlier
meetings between the principals, let alone informing their readers
that they had ended in deadlock.
Later in the
week (14/5), in their reports on the official launch of the government's
100-day
action plan, The Herald and the Chronicle made no attempt at
explaining who Tsvangirai was referring to when he expressed his
annoyance over "retrogressive elements . . . who "should
not be allowed to sabotage the work of the inclusive government."
The papers refused to allow such comments to qualify their impression
that the Prime Minister regarded the "sticking issues"
as nothing more than trivial.
And instead
of honestly reporting the reasons for the reticence of the international
community in providing budgetary support for the government, the
official papers glossed over the coalition's failure to adhere
to the conditions of the GPA and resolve the outstanding power-sharing
disputes with 21 public relations stories that selectively depicted
the inclusive government as gaining the unconditional confidence
of the international community. They cited the visits by separate
delegations from North and South Korea and extension of more credit
lines to the country by regional investors as examples.
The Sunday Mail
(17/5) also accused international donors who bypassed the discredited
Reserve Bank with their financial aid of "fanning conflict"
in the government meant to "oust" ZANU PF from power.
The government-controlled
papers carried seven reports on human rights abuses, mostly by state
security agents, but did not view them as such. They comprised the
conviction of MDC-T Chipinge East MP Matthias Mlambo on obstruction
of justice charges and updates on court cases involving civic and
MDC-T activists facing banditry and terrorism charges.
Notably, the
official papers censored the arrest of human rights lawyer Alec
Muchadehama on allegations of obstructing the course of justice.
The private
papers blamed alleged ZANU PF hardliners and deep-seated mistrust
among the principals of the coalition parties for the delays in
the resolution of the outstanding issues. They quoted analysts contending
that the problems were distracting the inclusive government from
its core business of reversing the country's socio-economic
crises.
The Standard
(17/5), for example, cited political activist Paul Siwela questioning
Tsvangirai's ability to stop ZANU PF from violating the GPA,
while the Zimbabwe Independent featured an opinion piece by Independent
MP Jonathan Moyo (15/5) contending that government's 100-day
action plan was likely to fail due to inadequate funding, among
other problems. The Independent also viewed the conflict between
ZANU PF and the MDC-T over the control of donor funds as indicative
of serious problems in the new administration.
However, The
Financial Gazette (14/5) downplayed these problems by misleading
its readers that the principals had finally resolved them despite
evidence to the contrary.
The private
papers reported the arrest of prominent human rights lawyer Alec
Muchadehama and the conviction of MP Matthias Mlambo as evidence
of hardliners within government attempting to restore the old regime's
authority.
Fig
2: Voice distribution in the Press
| Publication
|
Govt |
ZANU
PF-Min |
MDC-T
Min |
MDC-M
Min |
Bus |
Alt |
Foreign
diplomats |
| The Herald |
6 |
16 |
19 |
5 |
9 |
5 |
10 |
| Chronicle
|
2 |
5 |
12 |
14 |
0 |
6 |
5 |
| The Manica
Post |
2 |
0 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
0 |
0 |
| The Sunday
Mail |
2 |
3 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
| Sunday
News |
3 |
2 |
2 |
0 |
4 |
1 |
4 |
| The Financial
Gazette |
1 |
1 |
2 |
0 |
0 |
9 |
9 |
| The Zimbabwean
|
1 |
0 |
2 |
0 |
1 |
14 |
2 |
| Zimbabwe
Independent |
1 |
0 |
6 |
3 |
0 |
3 |
0 |
| The Standard
|
0 |
0 |
2 |
0 |
0 |
2 |
0 |
| Zimbabwean
On Sunday |
2 |
0 |
3 |
0 |
1 |
9 |
8 |
ZBC
and private radio stations
Although ZBC gave significant space to the inclusive government
as shown in Fig. 3, this did not translate into fair and balanced
coverage.
It misleadingly
projected the coalition partners as having almost resolved the outstanding
issues under the Global Political Agreement (GPA) while suffocating
news of the friction that blighted the government's first
100 days, forcing the MDC to refer the disagreements to the guarantors
of the unity pact, SADC and the AU.
Fig 3:
Topical issues on ZBC and private stations
| Station
|
Inclusive
government |
Socio-economic
issues |
Human
rights abuses |
| ZTV |
13 |
10 |
1 |
| Spot FM
|
15 |
10 |
1 |
| Radio Zimbabwe
|
18 |
9 |
1 |
| SW Radio
Africa |
11 |
6 |
3 |
| Studio
7 |
8 |
3 |
3 |
| Total
|
65 |
38 |
9 |
Nearly all the
ZBC stories on the matter either passively reported official statements
that appeared to gloss over cracks in the government or simply projected
visits and pledges of help by some countries and international organisations,
including North Korea, as a sign of international confidence in
the new administration.
ZTV (13/5, 8pm),
for example, selectively quoted Prime Minister Tsvangirai describing
the inclusive government as "irreversible" and that
the principals had made "significant progress" in resolving
outstanding issues while launching the new 100-day economic plan.
However, it censored his criticism of "retrogressive elements"
within government of undermining the coalition government. Neither
did ZBC test the veracity of Tsvangirai's statements with
the disunity in government, nor reconcile them with a subsequent
resolution by his party to refer the stand-off over power sharing
to SADC and the AU.
Consequently,
ZBC audiences were left in the dark about the causes and extent
of the problems bedeviling government, including their negative
ramifications on its quest for economic renewal.
In fact, 10
of the 46 stories the national broadcaster carried about the government's
activities downplayed the implications of the problems plaguing
its economic programmes by presenting foreign dignitaries'
visits to the country and their promises of investment as indicative
of government's success.
In addition,
the national broadcaster reported symptoms of the country's
socio-economic decay, illustrated by poor service delivery, dilapidated
infrastructure, low productivity, labour unrest, and the high cost
of living in isolation of government's economic interventions.
Similarly, the
broadcaster's three stories on human rights violations, which
included the arrest of human rights lawyer, Alec Muchadehama, for
allegedly obstructing the course of justice, were presented as the
normal practice of law enforcement and not an example of government's
failure to institute democratic reforms and restore the rule of
law as prescribed by the GPA and demanded by Western nations.
Only those with access to the private radio stations were informed
about the conflicts in government, their source and implications
on the country's economic recovery. For example, they revealed
that although there appeared to have been some progress in resolving
the appointment of ministerial secretaries and ambassadors, President
Mugabe had remained unyielding over his unilateral appointment of
the central bank governor and the Attorney General.
They also revealed
that the donor community's plans to channel funds through
the MDC-T-run finance ministry and not the central bank had angered
ZANU PF, which feared the move could boost the MDC-T's political
fortunes.
The stations
also interpreted the country's persisting economic distress
and human rights abuses as examples of the government's failure
to implement the GPA in its first 100 days.
Their nine stories
on rights violations included two fresh incidents, including the
arrest of Muchadehama and the conviction of MDC-T MP for Chipinge
South Mathias Mlambo.
Fig
4: Voice distribution on ZBC and private radios
| Station |
Govt |
ZANU
PF-Min |
MDC-T
Min |
MDC-M
Min |
Bus |
Alt |
Foreign
diplomats |
| ZTV |
2 |
12 |
9 |
4 |
3 |
0 |
6 |
| Spot FM
|
0 |
2 |
6 |
3 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
| Radio Zimbabwe
|
5 |
4 |
9 |
3 |
0 |
0 |
2 |
| SW Radio
Africa |
0 |
0 |
10 |
1 |
|
6 |
2 |
| Studio
7 |
0 |
1 |
3 |
0 |
0 |
12 |
0 |
Online
Publications
News coverage of the private online agencies also focused on the
coalition government's power struggles and their impact on
the country's ailing economy.
Fig
5: Topical stories on online news agencies
| Agency |
Inclusive
government |
Socio-economic
decay |
Human
rights violations |
| ZimOnline
|
7 |
3 |
9 |
| The Zimbabwe
Times |
8 |
2 |
7 |
| New Zimbabwe.com
|
5 |
3 |
4 |
| Zimdaily
|
2 |
2 |
2 |
| Total |
22 |
10 |
11 |
The agencies
quoted independent commentators arguing that although the inclusive
government had registered some notable achievements, especially
on the economic front, there was little progress in instituting
genuine democratic reforms as illustrated by the continued selective
use of the country's repressive laws against the media and
civic activists. In fact, the agencies carried 22 reports highlighting
the country's poor human rights situation, two of which were
incidents similar to those carried by other private media.
However, despite
these democratic setbacks, the online agencies cited analysts noting
that recent statements of guarded cooperation by officials from
Western countries, including Britain, signaled the thawing of hostilities
between the West and Zimbabwe.
Fig 6:
Online agencies - Voice distribution
| Agency
|
ZANU PF-Min
|
MDC-T Min
|
MDC-M Min
|
Alt |
Lawyers |
Foreign
diplomats |
| ZimOnline
|
1 |
4 |
0 |
1 |
6 |
2 |
| The Zimbabwe
Times |
0 |
7 |
1 |
3 |
7 |
0 |
| New Zimbabwe.com
|
1 |
4 |
0 |
5 |
2 |
0 |
| Zimdaily
|
1 |
3 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
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