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Public media reports irresponsibly on power-sharing deal
Extracted from Media Update 37/2008
Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
November 16, 2008

ZBC and private radio stations

Like the print media, ZBC and the private stations gave considerable attention to the SADC's failure to resolve ZANU PF/MDC differences over power sharing as compared to other topical issues of the week. See Fig 1.

Fig 1: Topical stories on ZBC and private stations

However, ZBC's extensive coverage of these topics did not result in an insightful presentation of the subjects. Rather, almost all its stories were hinged on official standpoints, which it supinely approved. For example, the broadcaster passively endorsed SADC's ruling on the co-management of the contested Home Affairs Ministry by ZANU PF and the Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC, while projecting the MDC's rejection of the proposal as further indication of its alleged lack of commitment to the agreement.

No coherent discussion about the MDC's reservations on the SADC ruling was made. Rather, ZBC suffocated the party's position with ZANU PF's endorsement of the regional body's resolution and used its favourite pro-government commentators and selected members of the public to attack the MDC as the stumbling block to the formation of the proposed inclusive government.

Such disinformation campaign heightened at the weekend when Radio Zimbabwe and ZTV (14/11, 8pm) distorted the MDC-T national council's response to the SADC resolutions. The stations reported out of context the council's communiqué to give the impression that the party will unreservedly join the planned government once Constitutional Amendment No. 19 was enacted to legalize the political deal. The fact that the enactment of the amendment was just but one of several outstanding issues the party wanted resolved before co-running the country with ZANU PF was conveniently ignored.

Similarly, the broadcaster's reports on the worsening cholera outbreak and the country's dire food situation were inadequate. It simply restricted its coverage of these issues to insipid official statements depicting government as in control without relating them to the realities on the ground. Consequently, there was no independent investigation on the extent of these problems, including the exact figures of cholera casualties.

Only the private radio stations enlightened their audiences on the limitations of the SADC resolution and the extent of the country's health and food crises. For instance, they generally viewed SADC's decision on power sharing as indicative of the region's lack of capacity and leverage to reign in President Mugabe and address the country's prolonged crises. Contrary to ZBC reports, they gave holistic reasons behind the MDC's rejection of the regional bodies' proposed resolution of the deal deadlock, among which was the continued persecution of perceived MDC opponents.

As if to vindicate the MDC's arguments, the private stations recorded three new incidents of political violence by state security agents against government opponents, which they noted belied ZANU PF's self-proclaimed commitment to the political settlement.

They also continued to highlight the country's worsening food shortages and the collapsing health delivery system, evidenced by the cholera epidemic, which they interpreted as indicative of government's failure to arrest the country's socio-political and economic slide.

Although ZBC widely cited alternative sources in their reports as shown in Fig. 2, they were mainly used to endorse official positions on the country's crises.

Fig 2: Voice distribution on ZBC and private stations

Online news agencies

The online news agencies also duly covered regional attempts to salvage the country's power sharing deal. See Fig. 3.

Fig 3: Topical stories on online agencies

Like private radio stations, they denounced SADC's resolution recommending the co-management of the Home Affairs Ministry, arguing that the decision reinforced their views that the region sympathized with Mugabe, putting into serious doubt its capacity to impartially resolve Zimbabwe's political impasse.

They also reported the country's socio-economic crises as worsening as reflected by severe food and water shortages. ZimOnline (12/11), for example, reported that Parliament and High Court buildings were "forced to close" during the week due to persistent severe water shortages in the capital. Besides, they carried similar incidents of political violence as those recorded by other private media. Their critical examination of these issues was mirrored by their attempts to balance ZANU PF's views with those of the MDC and independent observers as illustrated in Fig. 4.

Fig 4: Online agencies - Voice distribution

What they said . . .

"The political paralysis (in Zimbabwe) is shifting the burden of feeding an ever growing number of hungry people from the government to NGOs while the starving death toll rises" - Christian Alliance director Useni Sibanda commenting on the country's worsening food security situation. Studio 7, 10/11.

"This issue of co-sharing does not work. We have said so ourselves, we have rejected it, and that's the position. There is no agreement to co-sharing, to rotation, to swapping of ministries." - MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai criticizing SADC's ruling on co-ministering Home Affairs. The Herald, 10/11

"As far as we are concerned government will be formed with or without Tsvangirai at the end of this week or early next week. There is a country to be run and services to be provided and we can't wait for people who are undecided about what to do" - Presidential spokesman George Charamba. The Financial Gazette, 13/11.

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