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Government media continues partisan reporting
Extracted from Media Update 28/2008
Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
October 05, 2008

Although the government media have in recent weeks toned down their vituperative attacks on the opposition following the signing of the power-sharing deal between ZANU PF and the MDC, they remain intolerant to divergent views, particularly those that question the proposed inclusive government.

This was clearly reflected in opinion pieces The Herald carried during the week, further fuelling doubts that the political settlement would usher in a sprit of reconciliation and tolerance. Early in the week, columnist Mabasa Sasa (30/9), responded to criticism of the political deal by the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) by gratuitously attacking the labour body, describing it as "the scion of an Anglo-Saxon species that has never supported progress in Zimbabwe". Without coherently discussing the grounds on which the union opposed the settlement, it offensively attacked the labour body as the "West's useful idiots" and urged Zimbabweans not to "allow this motley crew of vultures to sabotage the agreement".

How exactly the ZCTU's democratic right to express its opinion translated into being willing tools of Western interests remained unexplained. Instead, another Herald columnist, Mukanya Musekiwa, joined the attack on the union federation towards the end of the week (2/10), by claiming that civic organisations such as the ZCTU and the National Constitutional Assembly's reaction to the deal showed "they are just agents of regime change" who were afraid the agreement would "kill their cash-cow" - donor funding. While the media have a duty to comment on position statements by anyone, they should do so within acceptable parameters of fair comment based on fact. Instead, both commentaries featured offensive and inflammatory mantras based on unsubstantiated allegations aimed at publicly discrediting the deal's critics. The Herald's failure to adhere to basic professional journalistic standards compelled the ZCTU to respond to the attacks through an advertisement clarifying its position on the deal and its relationship with the MDC (The Standard 5/10).

But while The Herald columnists deliberately misinterpreted civil society's worries about the practicality of the power-sharing deal as driven by selfish and Western interests, its misgivings were cynically vindicated by the paper's abusive Nathaniel Manheru, widely believed to be Information Secretary George Charamba. In his latest instalment (4/10) he dismissed the MDC's claim to power, arguing that its demands were based on the "March 29 illusion" that the opposition "invented for itself" and not "politics . . . of and from the ballot." Based on this deliberate distortion of the circumstances leading to the power-sharing deal, he rejected the use of "miasmic titles" like "prime minister designate" for Morgan Tsvangirai, saying they were merely based on "promises of today's politics" and not "legislation and thus cannot command anyone, least of all Robert Mugabe as the lawful Head of State and Government".

Such attempts to project Mugabe's legitimacy as unquestionable - regardless of his controversial re-election - found more expression on ZBC. Its radio stations have, since July 7, repeatedly punctuated their programming with excerpts of Mugabe's post-June 27 presidential election speech thanking the electorate for showing "faith and confidence" in him and for their "brave and unyielding stand in defence of their sovereignty". This is despite the fact that even Africa condemned the elections as undemocratic as a result of a systematic nation-wide campaign of violence against large sections of the electorate, particularly opposition supporters, forcing their leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, to withdraw from the race.

ZTV has also continued to air Moments in History propaganda adverts chronicling how the country was colonised and showing old footage of the liberation struggle with Mugabe in the background, apparently reinforcing his credentials as a champion of black majority rule, which the government media have passively allowed to pass as justification for his stranglehold on power.

ZBC and private radio stations

Both ZBC and the private radio stations gave prominence to developments surrounding the power sharing deal and the deepening crises in the agricultural and economic sectors. See Fig. 1.

Fig. 1: Topical stories distribution on ZBC and private radio stations

However, while the private stations subjected these issues to critical examination, ZBC simply restricted itself to rehashing official rhetoric on these matters. It is such passivity that saw the national broadcaster fail to reconcile claims by President Mugabe and Information Minister Sikhanyiso Ndlovu that there was no impasse over the allocation of ministries between ZANU PF and the MDC (ZTV & Spot FM 29/9, 6pm & 8pm and Radio Zimbabwe 30/9, 6am) with subsequent reports by Spot FM and Radio Zimbabwe (4/10, 8pm) that hinted otherwise. The two stations reported that consultations were continuing as the parties failed to agree "on certain issues." However, they did not explain what these were.

All ZBC's reports on agriculture blandly projected government's agricultural mechanization and inputs provision schemes as indicative of the authorities' commitment to boosting production in the coming farming season. For example, Spot FM (5/10, 1pm) simply projected that with good rains government's efforts would result in a yield of two million tonnes of maize next season. How the station arrived at the estimate remained unclear. Such unrestrained attempts to portray government's piecemeal actions favourably were also reflected in ZBC's reports on the economy, which all regurgitated official pronouncements that lacked critical assessment of the root causes of the country's economic ills underlined by hyperinflation, severe cash and commodity shortages, and government's ad hoc measures to address them.
ZBC's lopsided presentation of these issues was illustrated by its sourcing pattern as shown in Fig 2.

Fig. 2: Voice distribution on ZBC

Reflective of the critical stance they took in handling the subjects, the private stations gave more space to alternative views as shown in Fig. 3.

Fig. 3: Voice distribution on private stations

For instance, it was only those with access to the private stations that learnt of the continued impasse between ZANU PF and the MDC over the allocation of ministries in the planned inclusive government. Besides, the private radio stations continued to publicise the country's desperate food situation and the fresh farm invasions that threaten to further disrupt this farming season and worsen the country's precarious food situation (Studio 7, 7/10 & SW Radio Africa, 30/9). The private stations also gave more meaningful coverage to the implications for the public of the suspension of electronic money transfers; the continued cash shortages; the freefall of the Zimbabwe dollar against major currencies; the galloping price increases and labour unrest, among other indicators of economic decline. However, like ZBC they failed to update their audiences on the cholera outbreak.

Online publications

Online news agencies also provided useful information on the power-sharing deal and the economic and agricultural crises but failed to follow-up on the outbreaks of cholera. As shown in Fig 4, only The Zimbabwe Times (2/10) followed up on this, reporting that the death toll had risen from 14 to 18, while 80 people had been hospitalised in Chitungwiza.

Fig. 4 Stories on Online Agencies

All online agencies updated their audiences on the problems bedevilling the power-sharing deal. These included Mugabe's alleged reluctance to share key ministries with the MDC (Zimbabwe Times, 30/9) and unconfirmed threats by the opposition to pull out of the deal over the matter (Zimbabwe Times, 1/10).

The agencies reported on persistent acute cash shortages; the further weakening of the local currency and the rising cost of living, which they presented in the context of government's failed economic policies. Their sourcing patterns in covering these topics are shown in Fig. 5

Fig. 5: Voice distribution on Online News Agencies

The government and private Press

During the week, the government and privately owned papers gave more publicity to the country's worsening economic crisis than to the ZANU PF/MDC power-sharing deal as shown in Fig 1.

Fig 1: News distribution in the papers

Although the official papers extensively covered these subjects, none of their reports were informative. For example, their stories on the deal papered over the disagreements between the parties over the allocation of Cabinet ministries by simplistically presenting the parties as moving forward. For instance, The Sunday Mail (5/10) report, Govt deal down to two posts, failed to reconcile its optimistic depiction of an imminent breakthrough in the allocation of ministries with MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa's comments in the same story that the parties "had not made progress". Neither did it relate Chamisa's comments to Mugabe's earlier denial of a deadlock [The Herald 30/9)].

This professional ineptitude also typified the government papers' coverage of the country's food insecurity and its lack of preparedness for the 2008/9 farming season. The papers merely praised government's planned interventionist programmes to bolster preparations for the farming season without any investigation.

The Herald (30/10), for example, glowingly reported government as having started distributing agricultural inputs to farmers "with a proven track record" as preparations for the forthcoming season "reach fever pitch". It studiously avoided examining whether the inputs would be sufficient to satisfy national requirements. Nor did it examine who the beneficiaries were.

The public papers' coverage of the country's economic crisis followed a similar trend.
They simply praised government's knee-jerk interventions, including the RBZ's suspension of the RTGS payment system as the right prescription for Zimbabwe's economic calamities. There was no analysis of the adequacy of these measures to stem the decline evidenced by strikes, acute cash and commodity shortages and a virtual breakdown in the health, sanitation and education sectors.

The private Press provided incisive updates on these issues. For instance, they expressed serious doubt over the ability of the political deal to address Zimbabwe's eight-year-old crisis, citing the parties' failure to agree on the allocation of Cabinet posts, paving the way for the formation of an inclusive government. The papers also took stock of the impact of the prolonged stalemate on Zimbabweans, blaming it for the worsening economic situation.

Contrary to approving official media reports on the country's preparations for the farming season, The Zimbabwean and The Financial Gazette (2/10) and the Zimbabwe Independent (3/10) painted a grim picture of the situation. They cited several farmer organisations and seed companies contending that the country was faced with acute input shortages.

The private papers also recorded indicators of economic decline, such as deteriorating service delivery, labour unrest and soaring cost of living, which they traced to poor government policies.

The Zimbabwean lead story: Wave of strikes as economy collapses, summed up the country's economic troubles. It reported civil servants, mostly teachers, lecturers, magistrates and doctors as either on strike or go-slow because of poor wages.
However, both the public and private papers underreported political violence, believed to be persisting despite the signing of the political settlement.

Fig. 2 illustrated the sourcing patterns of the official and private papers.

Fig 2: Voice distribution in the Press

What they said . . .

"I am going to print and print and sign the money until sanctions are removed and there is balance-of-payment support. It's a commitment I am ready to be fired for because we need money for infrastructural development." - Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono pledging to fund the construction of the Gwayi-Shangani Dam. The Herald, 1/10.

"Whatever rituals of government leadership Tsvangirai may simulate today, tomorrow or whenever, he is not this country's Prime Minister. Not just yet. Perhaps tomorrow." - Nathaniel Manheru giving a spitefully accurate assessment that the MDC leader actually has no political power. The Herald, 4/10.

"That loud-mouthed black curse that George Bush deposited on our blessed land". - Manheru criticizing US ambassador to Zimbabwe James McGee for raising concern over his use of inflammatory language in the government papers. The Herald 4/10.

"We need to forego our minor differences as Zimbabwe has now moved on with its politics . . . " - Police Commissioner-General Augustine Chihuri urging Zimbabweans to embrace the power-sharing agreement. The Herald 1/10).

"We want to share power. But Mugabe wants to swallow the MDC. We will not allow that. He wants all the key ministries - finance, home affairs, defence, information, foreign affairs, justice and even women and youth", MDC Spokesman Nelson Chamisa. The Zimbabwe Times, 30/9.

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