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Talks, dialogue, negotiations and GNU - Post June 2008 "elections" - Index of articles
No improvement of government media reportage on the talks
Extracted from Media Update 26/2008
Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
September 07, 2008
There was no improvement
in the government media's coverage of the prolonged SADC-facilitated
power-sharing talks between ZANU PF and the two MDC formations aimed
at finding a lasting solution to Zimbabwe's eight-year-old
political crisis.
The talks, supervised
by South African President Thabo Mbeki, reportedly have been deadlocked
on the allocation of executive power between President Mugabe and
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai in a proposed national unity government.
Rather than providing
incisive information on the fate of the dialogue, including Mbeki's
planned visit to Harare to revive the talks, the official media
continued to dishonestly blame Tsvangirai for the impasse while
suffocating growing regional and international disquiet over President
Mugabe's role in the stalemate.
Instead, they narrowly
cited Mugabe's invitation to Swaziland by King Mswati III
to celebrate his 40th birthday and the kingdom's 40 years
of independence from British rule as evidence of the Zimbabwean
leader's legitimacy and popularity despite efforts by some
countries to isolate him.
These efforts to reinforce
Mugabe's legitimacy as President was reflected in all 50 stories
the official media featured on the topic.
The Herald and Chronicle
(4/9), for example, failed to critically assess the implications
of Mugabe's threats that he would form a new government without
the MDC if its leader refused to sign the agreement. They passively
quoted him telling journalists in Zambia after the funeral of the
late Zambian President, Levy Mwanawasa, that "if . . . Tsvangirai
does not sign" the deal "today" he would "proceed
to appoint a Cabinet as the country cannot be frozen forever".
No attempt was made to question the basis on which he intended to
do this apart from reporting him saying: "We are a government,
and we are a government that is empowered by elections. So we should
form a Cabinet . . . " The two papers made no attempt to reconcile
this claim to legitimacy with the universally condemned June 27th
presidential election upon which he bases his claim.
Similarly, Radio Zimbabwe
(7/9, 6am) & Spot FM (7/9, 8am) passively quoted Deputy Youth
Minister Saviour Kasukuwere justifying Mugabe's intention
to set up a government without Tsvangirai on the basis of "facilitating
the continuation of development programmes".
There was little useful
information in these media about the state of the negotiations,
apart from The Herald and Chronicle (4/9) speculating that Mbeki
was expected in Zimbabwe the following day to try "for the
last time" to persuade Tsvangirai to sign the agreement. The
next day, the papers simply announced that Mbeki had postponed his
visit to next week without providing reasons.
The rest of the official
media's stories on the matter either maliciously accused the
MDC (Tsvangirai formation) of not having the national interest at
heart for refusing to sign the document, or reinforced Mugabe's
allegations that the West was behind Tsvangirai's reluctance
to sign without questioning the truth of such claims.
The Herald (1/9), for
example, accused the party of "living true to its chameleon-like
politics", while ZTV (4/9, 7am) described Tsvangirai as a
British puppet who could not sign the deal without Britain's
approval. The next day, the Chronicle (5/9) claimed that Tsvangirai
sought to "concentrate all executive power on himself"
without seeking his comment. At the weekend The Sunday Mail (7/9)
accused Tsvangirai of "holding the talks hostage" and
"throwing spanners at every turn" without clearly explaining
how he was doing this.
This contrasted sharply
with the favourable coverage the official media accorded to Mugabe
and ZANU PF, exonerating him from any role in the stalemate and
narrowly reporting him as still commanding unwavering support from
the region despite Western criticism. The Sunday Mail, for example,
editorialized its news story entitled: Khama eats humble pie, by
reporting Mugabe as having received "a hero's welcome
from a packed Somhlolo Stadium" in Swaziland "with people
waving and cheering at the Zimbabwean leader". It claimed
that this left Botswana President Ian Khama, who has refused to
recognise the results of the June presidential election run-off,
"with no option but to shake the veteran leader's hands".
In contrast, the private
papers provided more informed coverage of the week's political
developments in 75 reports.
They reported relations
between ZANU PF and the MDC as worsening due to Mugabe's intransigence
and refusal to cede more powers to Tsvangirai, including his widely
criticized threats to exclude the opposition from government. Apart
from viewing such unilateral action as "catastrophic"
to the country, the private media continued to highlight the reasons
why the main MDC formation was reluctant to sign the deal in its
present state.
In addition, they reported
mounting international pressure on Mugabe and the South African
President to conclude the dialogue, taking into consideration the
outcome of the March 29 elections, won by Tsvangirai.
For example, Studio 7
& SW Radio Africa (4/9) and the Zimbabwe Independent (5/9) reported
the Tsvangirai-led MDC formation rejecting Mugabe's ultimatum
to sign the agreement or risk being left out of his Cabinet. The
paper reported the party saying the ultimatum was "ill-advised
and unnecessary" adding that the demand exposed the ruling
party's "contempt" for SADC and the AU, which
are sponsoring the talks. The MDC warned that the threat would not
only "sabotage" the negotiations, but provided "further
evidence that Mugabe was negotiating in bad faith".
The private media also
speculated on the reasons why Mbeki had failed to turn up in Harare
during the week. The Independent, for example, claimed that the
South African leader cancelled the trip after Tsvangirai indicated
to him that he would not be available. It cited "informed
sources" claiming that the opposition leader "did not
want to attend what he thinks would be hopeless meetings on the
talks".
In other stories, the
private media reported growing international displeasure over the
delayed conclusion of the dialogue, particularly Mugabe's
refusal to cede significant powers to Tsvangirai. For example, Studio
7 & SW Radio Africa (2/9) and the Independent reported Tanzania,
which is also the AU chair, saying it "preferred" an
equitable power-sharing arrangement "to be arrived at immediately"
in Zimbabwe. The Independent also reported Nigerian Foreign Minister
Chief Ojo Maduekwe reiterating that Abuja did not recognise Mugabe
as the legitimate President of Zimbabwe, while Studio 7 broadcast
South Africa's powerful trade union federation, COSATU, warning
that its members could boycott the handling of goods destined for
Zimbabwe if the dialogue collapsed.
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