THE NGO NETWORK ALLIANCE PROJECT - an online community for Zimbabwean activists  
 View archive by sector
 
 
    HOME THE PROJECT DIRECTORYJOINARCHIVESEARCH E:ACTIVISMBLOGSMSFREEDOM FONELINKS CONTACT US
 

 


Back to Index

This article participates on the following special index pages:

  • Talks, dialogue, negotiations and GNU - Post June 2008 "elections" - Index of articles


  • Parties fail to agree on allocation of executive powers
    Extracted from Media Update 25/2008
    Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
    September 01, 2008

    The government media maintained their malicious campaign against the MDC, blaming it for the country's prolonged crisis following no headway in power sharing talks between the opposition party and ZANU PF.

    The talks, facilitated by SADC under the stewardship of South African President Thabo Mbeki, remained deadlocked over roles and allocation of executive powers between President Mugabe and MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai in a proposed coalition government.

    However, in flagrant defiance of all basic journalistic practice the official media suffocated ZANU PF's contribution to the stalemate by allegedly failing to cede meaningful powers to Tsvangirai. Instead, they mounted a concerted crusade portraying the opposition leader as the sole obstacle to a negotiated settlement.

    Consequently, their 100 reports on the topic steered clear of holistically addressing Mugabe's reconvening of parliament and appointment of governors and senators, including threats to choose a new cabinet, in the context of the talks. Notably, Mugabe's actions contradict provisions in the Memorandum of Understanding signed by the negotiators.

    Rather, they simplistically defended the move on the basis of ZANU PF's alleged need for resumption of effective government functioning after Tsvangirai's refusal to sign the proposed negotiated settlement in its current form. Tsvangirai's reservations on the deal were not divulged. For example, the official media saw nothing wrong in Mugabe's appointment of only ZANU PF loyalists to the governorships of the country's 10 provinces before the conclusion of the talks.

    Moreover, they did not explore the reason behind his initial decision to withhold choosing governors for Masvingo and the Midlands, only doing so after parliament had elected MDC (Tsvangirai) national chairman Lovemore Moyo as its speaker. This was particularly so amid private media speculation that his party had entered an agreement with the leadership of the minor faction of the MDC to push for the speakership of the opposition party's Paul Themba Nyathi and scuttle the main MDC's chances of landing the post in exchange for government posts, including the two governorships.

    Equally, no attempt was made to critically examine the import of the historic election of Moyo as speaker on the talks and balance of power in the country. Rather, the government media basically restricted their coverage on the matter to pouring spleen on MDC MPs' unprecedented heckling and jeering of Mugabe during his official opening of the first session of the 7th parliament. No investigations were carried out on their reasons for doing so except for the simplistic depiction of the opposition party as inherently rowdy and immature.

    The official media cited selected voices ranging from ordinary people, political analysts, ZANU PF officials to church leaders all castigating the opposition MPs' behaviour. For example, The Herald (27/8) claimed to have been "inundated with calls from people who strongly deplored" the "unruly", "pathetic" and "disgusting" conduct despite clear evidence that none of them appeared fully informed of the reasons behind the protest.

    In the same vein, Spot FM (27/8, 1pm) reported political analyst Chinondidyachii Mararike railing against the MDC using racist and inflammatory statements. It quoted him: "Vakanwa huroyi (they were bewitched), vakadyiswa huroyi hweku Europe (they were bewitched with Europeanism) . . . it is unAfrican. You can tell through the behaviour of people like Roy Bennet (former MDC MP for Chimanimani) who is not an African - that boxer who knocked down people in parliament . . . " In contrast, The Herald (29/8) approvingly reported on a demonstration by ZANU PF against the "rowdy" MDC MPs, calling for the suspension of parliament until they "pledge to take the business in the House seriously".

    The paper did not view comments by ZANU PF secretary for administration Didymus Mutasa advocating "counter" measures against "such action" as having the potential of inciting violence against the opposition.

    It quoted him telling the protestors that the MDC "always strive to destabilise systems of governance in the country and we need to be strong against such machinations". No elaboration of what he meant was made.

    The same day, the Chronicle recorded war veterans threatening to "invade" Parliament unless the MDC MPs apologised for their behaviour while its editorials bristled with vitriol against the legislators, describing them as "drunken idiots" and "numbskulls" whose heckling resembled "Mbare Musika (Market) uncouth touts".

    It was against this background that The Herald and Chronicle (27/8) passively reported Mugabe threatening to form a new government on his own because the MDC "does not want to come in apparently" after it was allegedly promised by Britain that "sanctions would be more devastating, that in six months' time the government will collapse".

    No comment was sought from the opposition party.

    At the weekend, The Herald (30/8) columnist Nathaniel Manheru - viewed as reflecting government thinking - expanded on Mugabe's sentiments, boasting that the ruling party leader "does not need the say-so of SADC to constitute his Cabinet". The columnist dismissed as "silly" suggestions that by appointing cabinet, Mugabe would have violated the MoU, arguing that his delay in doing so "was out of sheer politeness . . . " since the MoU was not legally binding but "only holds in circumstances of good faith that binds all parties to the talks".

    The government media barely gave any useful updates on the talks.

    The Sunday Mail (31/8) and Spot FM and Radio Zimbabwe (31/8, 8pm) only reported that Mbeki separately met the three negotiating parties in Pretoria and was expected "to give a position on the way forward" without providing further details.

    Earlier, The Herald (30/8) portrayed the MDC (Tsvangirai) as confused, reporting it as having "pressurized Mbeki to reconvene the talks" only to make "fresh demands" by seeking to "open fresh negotiations on all issues that had been discussed".

    The private electronic media soberly examined these political developments, including the disastrous impact of government's plans to form a new cabinet, which they said was contrary to the spirit of the inter-party talks.This was reflected in the 96 stories they carried on the topic.

    They gave expression to the reasons behind the MDC's parliamentary heckling and jeering of Mugabe; analysed the implications of a new opposition majority in Parliament as well as an opposition speaker; and provided insight into the widening differences between ZANU PF and the MDC that heavily militated against a negotiated solution. For example, The Zimbabwe Times (26/8) and SW Radio Africa (28/8) noted that the convening of Parliament and appointment of cabinet contravened article 19 of the MOU, which stipulates that "during the period of the dialogue the parties shall not take any decisions that have a bearing on the agenda of parliament or the formation of a new government".

    The Financial Gazette (28/8) agreed, arguing that Mugabe's actions was also "the clearest signs . . . that ZANU PF is determined to bulldoze its way regardless of the consequences of its unilateral actions on the tottering economy".

    Contrary to claims by Deputy Information Minister Bright Matonga in an interview with a South Africa radio station, SA FM, that Mugabe was in the process of forming a cabinet following a go-ahead from SADC, the private media recorded SADC officials, Dankie Mothae and Tomaz Salomao, refuting the allegations.

    They also publicized the MDC MP's reasons for booing Mugabe during his official opening of parliament with The Zimbabwe Times (27/8) reporting that the legislators accused Mugabe of "staging a coup" by proceeding to officiate and open parliament without the consent of the leadership of the other negotiators.

    The previous day, SW Radio Africa quoted MDC Chief Whip Innocent Gonese expressing the same sentiments, adding that his party had handed a petition to Vice President Joice Mujuru registering their concerns part of which noted that " . . . The only person who can officially open this session will be determined by the outcome of the ongoing dialogue."

    The private media reported as slim the potential for a negotiated settlement given the "radical positions adopted by the negotiating parties" (SW Radio Africa [29/8]). The private radio station cited an unnamed 'authoritative source' arguing that it was unlikely that ZANU PF would bring to South Africa "a bag of further concessions from Mugabe" while noting that if Tsvangirai's demands to be executive prime minister were not met, the opposition party's mandate in South Africa was to request Mbeki to declare the negotiations "dead".

    However, the Independent and the Gazette observed that the MDC's securing of the chair of speaker gave Tsvangirai "leeway to demand more powers as head of government", a development that might "force Mbeki to . . . re-open the negotiations".

    Visit the MMPZ fact sheet

    Please credit www.kubatana.net if you make use of material from this website. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons License unless stated otherwise.

    TOP