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This article participates on the following special index pages:
Talks, dialogue, negotiations and GNU - Post June 2008 "elections" - Index of articles
Parties fail to agree on allocation of executive powers
Extracted from Media Update 25/2008
Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ)
September 01, 2008
The government media
maintained their malicious campaign against the MDC, blaming it
for the country's prolonged crisis following no headway in
power sharing talks between the opposition party and ZANU PF.
The talks, facilitated
by SADC under the stewardship of South African President Thabo Mbeki,
remained deadlocked over roles and allocation of executive powers
between President Mugabe and MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai in a proposed
coalition government.
However, in flagrant
defiance of all basic journalistic practice the official media suffocated
ZANU PF's contribution to the stalemate by allegedly failing
to cede meaningful powers to Tsvangirai. Instead, they mounted a
concerted crusade portraying the opposition leader as the sole obstacle
to a negotiated settlement.
Consequently, their 100
reports on the topic steered clear of holistically addressing Mugabe's
reconvening of parliament and appointment of governors and senators,
including threats to choose a new cabinet, in the context of the
talks. Notably, Mugabe's actions contradict provisions in
the Memorandum of Understanding signed by the negotiators.
Rather, they simplistically
defended the move on the basis of ZANU PF's alleged need for
resumption of effective government functioning after Tsvangirai's
refusal to sign the proposed negotiated settlement in its current
form. Tsvangirai's reservations on the deal were not divulged.
For example, the official media saw nothing wrong in Mugabe's
appointment of only ZANU PF loyalists to the governorships of the
country's 10 provinces before the conclusion of the talks.
Moreover, they
did not explore the reason behind his initial decision to withhold
choosing governors for Masvingo and the Midlands, only doing so
after parliament had elected MDC (Tsvangirai) national chairman
Lovemore Moyo as its speaker. This was particularly so amid private
media speculation that his party had entered an agreement with the
leadership of the minor faction of the MDC to push for the speakership
of the opposition party's Paul Themba Nyathi and scuttle the
main MDC's chances of landing the post in exchange for government
posts, including the two governorships.
Equally, no attempt was
made to critically examine the import of the historic election of
Moyo as speaker on the talks and balance of power in the country.
Rather, the government media basically restricted their coverage
on the matter to pouring spleen on MDC MPs' unprecedented
heckling and jeering of Mugabe during his official opening of the
first session of the 7th parliament. No investigations were carried
out on their reasons for doing so except for the simplistic depiction
of the opposition party as inherently rowdy and immature.
The official media cited
selected voices ranging from ordinary people, political analysts,
ZANU PF officials to church leaders all castigating the opposition
MPs' behaviour. For example, The Herald (27/8) claimed to
have been "inundated with calls from people who strongly deplored"
the "unruly", "pathetic" and "disgusting"
conduct despite clear evidence that none of them appeared fully
informed of the reasons behind the protest.
In the same
vein, Spot FM (27/8, 1pm) reported political analyst Chinondidyachii
Mararike railing against the MDC using racist and inflammatory statements.
It quoted him: "Vakanwa huroyi (they were bewitched), vakadyiswa
huroyi hweku Europe (they were bewitched with Europeanism) . . . it
is unAfrican. You can tell through the behaviour of people like
Roy Bennet (former MDC MP for Chimanimani) who is not an African
- that boxer who knocked down people in parliament . . . "
In contrast, The Herald (29/8) approvingly reported on a demonstration
by ZANU PF against the "rowdy" MDC MPs, calling for
the suspension of parliament until they "pledge to take the
business in the House seriously".
The paper did not view
comments by ZANU PF secretary for administration Didymus Mutasa
advocating "counter" measures against "such action"
as having the potential of inciting violence against the opposition.
It quoted him telling
the protestors that the MDC "always strive to destabilise
systems of governance in the country and we need to be strong against
such machinations". No elaboration of what he meant was made.
The same day, the Chronicle
recorded war veterans threatening to "invade" Parliament
unless the MDC MPs apologised for their behaviour while its editorials
bristled with vitriol against the legislators, describing them as
"drunken idiots" and "numbskulls" whose
heckling resembled "Mbare Musika (Market) uncouth touts".
It was against this background
that The Herald and Chronicle (27/8) passively reported Mugabe threatening
to form a new government on his own because the MDC "does
not want to come in apparently" after it was allegedly promised
by Britain that "sanctions would be more devastating, that
in six months' time the government will collapse".
No comment was sought
from the opposition party.
At the weekend, The Herald
(30/8) columnist Nathaniel Manheru - viewed as reflecting
government thinking - expanded on Mugabe's sentiments,
boasting that the ruling party leader "does not need the say-so
of SADC to constitute his Cabinet". The columnist dismissed
as "silly" suggestions that by appointing cabinet, Mugabe
would have violated the MoU, arguing that his delay in doing so
"was out of sheer politeness . . . " since the MoU was
not legally binding but "only holds in circumstances of good
faith that binds all parties to the talks".
The government media
barely gave any useful updates on the talks.
The Sunday Mail (31/8)
and Spot FM and Radio Zimbabwe (31/8, 8pm) only reported that Mbeki
separately met the three negotiating parties in Pretoria and was
expected "to give a position on the way forward" without
providing further details.
Earlier, The Herald (30/8)
portrayed the MDC (Tsvangirai) as confused, reporting it as having
"pressurized Mbeki to reconvene the talks" only to make
"fresh demands" by seeking to "open fresh negotiations
on all issues that had been discussed".
The private electronic
media soberly examined these political developments, including the
disastrous impact of government's plans to form a new cabinet,
which they said was contrary to the spirit of the inter-party talks.This
was reflected in the 96 stories they carried on the topic.
They gave expression
to the reasons behind the MDC's parliamentary heckling and
jeering of Mugabe; analysed the implications of a new opposition
majority in Parliament as well as an opposition speaker; and provided
insight into the widening differences between ZANU PF and the MDC
that heavily militated against a negotiated solution. For example,
The Zimbabwe Times (26/8) and SW Radio Africa (28/8) noted that
the convening of Parliament and appointment of cabinet contravened
article 19 of the MOU, which stipulates that "during the period
of the dialogue the parties shall not take any decisions that have
a bearing on the agenda of parliament or the formation of a new
government".
The Financial Gazette
(28/8) agreed, arguing that Mugabe's actions was also "the
clearest signs . . . that ZANU PF is determined to bulldoze its
way regardless of the consequences of its unilateral actions on
the tottering economy".
Contrary to claims by
Deputy Information Minister Bright Matonga in an interview with
a South Africa radio station, SA FM, that Mugabe was in the process
of forming a cabinet following a go-ahead from SADC, the private
media recorded SADC officials, Dankie Mothae and Tomaz Salomao,
refuting the allegations.
They also publicized
the MDC MP's reasons for booing Mugabe during his official
opening of parliament with The Zimbabwe Times (27/8) reporting that
the legislators accused Mugabe of "staging a coup" by
proceeding to officiate and open parliament without the consent
of the leadership of the other negotiators.
The previous day, SW
Radio Africa quoted MDC Chief Whip Innocent Gonese expressing the
same sentiments, adding that his party had handed a petition to
Vice President Joice Mujuru registering their concerns part of which
noted that " . . . The only person who can officially open
this session will be determined by the outcome of the ongoing dialogue."
The private
media reported as slim the potential for a negotiated settlement
given the "radical positions adopted by the negotiating parties"
(SW Radio Africa [29/8]). The private radio station cited an unnamed
'authoritative source' arguing that it was unlikely
that ZANU PF would bring to South Africa "a bag of further
concessions from Mugabe" while noting that if Tsvangirai's
demands to be executive prime minister were not met, the opposition
party's mandate in South Africa was to request Mbeki to declare
the negotiations "dead".
However, the Independent
and the Gazette observed that the MDC's securing of the chair
of speaker gave Tsvangirai "leeway to demand more powers as
head of government", a development that might "force
Mbeki to . . . re-open the negotiations".
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